Simon Morrison
*97, who has found and produced some of Prokofiev’s lost works,
sits by the piano in Princeton’s Hagan Dance Studio. (Ricardo
Barros)
Morrison, right, with
Svyatoslav Prokofiev, the composer’s older son, in Paris in
2005.
Sergei Prokofiev at
his piano in February 1939.
Photos: Courtesy
Simon Morrison *97; Bettmann/Corbis (Prokofiev)
A scene from
a dress rehearsal of “Boris Godunov,” produced last
April at the Berlind Theatre in Princeton. The play, with incidental
music by Prokofiev, never had been performed before.
(Laura Pedrick/The
New York Times/REDUX)
Unmasking
Prokofiev A Princeton scholar goes to great lengths to uncover the true
works and personal story of the Russian composer
By Merrell Noden ’78
Sergei Prokofiev is among the most popular composers of the last century,
judging, at least, by sales of his recorded work. And no wonder: His gift
for melody was Mozartian, his talent for modulation peerless, and he composed
in virtually every musical form, from symphonies and concertos to operas,
ballets, film scores, and solo works for the piano. If you don’t
know Prokofiev from his ballet Romeo and Juliet, you almost certainly
know him from Peter and the Wolf, the delightful score with narration
that he composed to introduce children to the different sounds of the
orchestra instruments.
But the real Prokofiev turns out to have been different from the composer
we thought we knew for all these years. The real Prokofiev wasn’t
just hidden by the Iron Curtain, he was crushed by it when, in 1936, after
18 years of living abroad in hopes of making his reputation in the West
— in the United States, Bavaria, and Paris — Prokofiev was
enticed from France back to the Soviet Union by a regime eager to exploit
its national heroes. He was promised special privileges and assured he’d
be free to compose. He was an easy target, since his work had not gotten
the warm reception in the United States that he’d hoped for.
As Prokofiev soon discovered, this was a Faustian bargain, and for the
remaining 17 years of his life, he watched as his collaborators were imprisoned
and murdered, his own health was stressed to the point of breaking, and
his music was vandalized and exploited for the “greater good”
of a ruthless state. Compositions we’ve cherished for years turn
out to have been bowdlerized or rewritten, either by Soviet censors or
by Prokofiev himself, acting under pressure from them.
“We only know about half of his compositions,” says Simon
Morrison *97, an associate professor in the Princeton music department
who has spent the last few years working to set the record straight. “Some
were censored or altered. Some exist in fictional or incorrect editions.
I could spend the rest of my life just going through these trying to correct
the record.”
While you can’t libel the dead, you certainly can consign them
to a purgatory of contempt. That’s what has happened to Prokofiev,
who tends to get viewed — often in contrast to his countryman Dmitri
Shostakovich — as either a dupe of the system or a collaborator
who got what he deserved. (Morrison believes that a full political biography
of Shostakovich would reveal that he has been given too easy a pass for
his service to the system.) Why Prokofiev chose to return from France
“is the biggest question in Russian music studies and therefore
one of the most intriguing questions in all of music history,” says
Morrison. “I’m trying to answer that question. The answer
is complicated and in its own way very frightening, but it’s fascinating.”
An explanation, Morrison suggests, is that Prokofiev was “the target
of a seductive, multipronged campaign waged by many Soviet agents, by
diplomats, politicians, and party-line artists.” They had picked
an easy mark since, with Hitler’s power growing, Paris was not a
good place for a Russian. What’s more, Prokofiev’s sense of
self-importance made him easy prey for their blandishments. He thought
he could do what the Soviets asked of him while retaining a measure of
creative control. He was wrong.
Morrison, who joined the department as a lecturer soon after receiving
his Ph.D., is a music historian who specializes in something very much
like reincarnation. Relying on every available source — notebooks,
photos, sketches, newspaper accounts, and diaries, not to mention the
original scores — he tries to restore lost operas and ballets to
full-blooded life. Much of his earlier work dealt with lost ballets by
Ravel, Poulenc, Debussy, and others. Now he is working to restore not
only Prokofiev’s music but also his reputation. “In my racket,
we all serve geniuses,” he says. “When one is not a genius,
to be able to serve one is tremendous.” Lucky Prokofiev, to be served
by someone as diligent as Morrison. At 42, Morrison is a tower of energy:
teaching, writing books and articles, giving public lectures, and even
taking ballet lessons himself, acquiring in the process a deeper appreciation
not only of the dancer’s art but also of his aches and pains.
“Here he was last spring teaching ballet with Rebecca [Lazier,
the University’s associate head of dance] and teaching 200 undergrads
the introduction to music course while at the same time doing Boris
Godunov,” says Caryl Emerson, chairwoman of Princeton’s
Department of Slavic Languages and Literatures. She worked with Morrison
on Boris Godunov, the play Aleksandr Pushkin wrote in 1825, which
had its world premiere at McCarter’s Berlind Theatre. “Then
he goes off to Moscow, sits there in the archive for 10 hours a day, goes
home, and writes it all down. It’s amazing.”
Morrison nearly has completed his book Prokofiev: The Soviet Years,
which relies on documents long hidden away in various Russian archives
to present a more accurate and ultimately more sympathetic view of the
composer than those in earlier biographies, which were based on the sanitized
official record. Though determined not to whitewash Prokofiev’s
dealings with Stalin’s brutal regime, Morrison hopes to do justice
to the complexity of his situation: “I’m writing to bring
to light all these works that we don’t know anything about, to bring
to light the amount of vandalizing, manipulation, and egregious transcriptions
[of Prokofiev’s work],” he says. “I’m also trying
to look at the kind of pressure he was under.” Partly the authorities
were determined to teach this upstart who had gone to the West a lesson,
and they did so at every opportunity, altering his works and breaking
their promises to give him free rein to pursue his art. His 1937 “Cantata
for the Twentieth Anniversary of the Revolution” was banned, its
content deemed subversive; his scores for a staging of Eugene Onegin
and for the film The Queen of Spades went to waste when
the directors of the two projects were censured. Prokofiev never had to
look far to see terrifying examples of what could happen to anyone who
bucked the system.
Morrison has no illusions of rescuing Prokofiev’s reputation completely.
And he agrees that Prokofiev’s work raises difficult moral questions.
“This is a great composer who wrote a lot of music to odious political
texts,” says Morrison. “He wrote a piece in honor of Stalin’s
60th birthday. He wrote music for allegorically pro-Stalinist pieces like
[the film] Alexander Nevsky. But they are popular. So the question is:
Is there a moral problem in performing them? Should they all be removed
from the repertoire because they are associated with Stalin, or should
we exercise forbearance? I don’t want to say ‘censorship’
because that’s a bad thing, so [I’ll say] ‘forbearance,’
which means removing them for ethical reasons. Or do we perform them and
turn them into a lesson? I believe they should be performed and should
make us uncomfortable because of the questions involved.”
Morrison already has done Prokofiev a huge service by bringing to magnificent
life two works that were performed and then lost, or performed in corrupt
versions. The first was Prokofiev’s ballet, Le Pas d’Acier
(The Steel Step), which was performed at the Berlind Theatre in 2005
for the first time since 1931. Last April he oversaw the world premiere
at the Berlind of Boris Godunov, for which Prokofiev composed
24 pieces of incidental music. Though it used student actors and musicians,
the production garnered front-page coverage in The New York Times,
heady stuff for an academic. “Any other musicologist would dine
out for years on one of these projects,” marvels Scott Burnham,
the chairman of Princeton’s music department. “It’s
what we all dream about: The thing that you dust off from the archives
takes on a life of its own, takes on the magic that performing art gives,
and comes to life quite visibly.”
Prokofiev “is a major composer, and Simon has brought together
the resources of a major university to put together news-making productions,”
Burnham says. “It’s not bringing just anything from an archive
to life — it’s bringing something of vital historical and
cultural importance to life on a big stage. So it’s tremendously
exciting.”
Next summer Morrison’s work is sure to be in the spotlight again.
Morrison has begun his most ambitious restoration project to date, collaborating
with the Mark Morris Dance Group on a new version of Romeo and Juliet.
The new ballet makes major changes to the one known and loved around the
world. “We’re taking it back to the point where you can say,
‘This is what [Prokofiev] intended,’ being careful of that
word,” says Morrison. “We’re restoring the story line
he wanted.” It is scheduled to premiere at the Bard College Summerscape
Festival next July 4, and will bring Morrison close to the end of his
Prokofiev studies.
“I’m not in any particular rush to wrap it up,” he
says. “But I know I have to and get on with my life.”Morrison
was born in London but moved to Canada with his family when he was 5.
He grew up outside Winnipeg, in the small, windswept town of Selkirk,
where, if nothing else, he learned to endure the cold winters he would
later encounter in Russia. His mother played the piano, but it was his
father who brought music into the house through his love of the standard
classical repertoire. “As far as I know, he didn’t listen
to Russian music,” says Morrison, who grew up on the likes of Carmen,
Strauss, and Mozart.
He played around with many instruments and was an accomplished student
of the tuba. He also played drums in garage bands and calls Winnipeg native
Neil Young “an idol.” College offered a change, and Morrison
auditioned on the tuba for the University of Toronto music department
and was accepted. There, recognizing the slim odds of ever becoming a
professional tuba player, he hedged his bets by concentrating on music
history and math and adding Russian to the mix.
After working briefly for the Ontario Arts Council, Morrison went to
McGill University for a master’s degree in music history. He wrote
his thesis on Prokofiev’s first Soviet opera, Semyon Kotko,
which was based on Valentin Katayev’s novel I Am the Son of
Working People. In 1991 Morrison went to live in Moscow, in part
to work on his thesis but also to improve his Russian. He signed up for
a program at the Moscow Pedagogical Institute but soon came to realize
that the program was as disorganized as everything else in the country.
Boris Yeltsin had just taken over from Mikhail Gorbachev, and the country
was in a state of chaos. Russians still speak of that period as “a
time of troubles,” and with good reason: Inflation was rampant,
and there was little food.
This was not your dream year abroad. Morrison lived in squalid student
housing that felt like something out of a Dostoyevskian nightmare. “It
was this weird kind of dilapidated residence hall for foreign students
as well as Russian local students,” he says. “It was very
much on the edge of Moscow. There was a field of snow behind the building.”
The yellow dust spread all over the dormitory floor turned out to be roach
powder. “The cat in the hallway had a yellow tongue,” says
Morrison, with a grimace.
But there were compensations: “Soviet champagne was still marketed,
and it was dirt cheap,” says Morrison. “So we’d sit
around with friends and learn Russian.” He and his friends took
train trips to far-flung parts of the former Soviet Union, to the Ukraine
and Odessa. “It ended up being one of the happiest years of my life,”
says Morrison. “I made a lot of wonderful friends.”
He even found time to hole up in the Lenin Library and work on that
thesis, which required some of the same diplomatic skills that have served
him well on subsequent trips to Russian archives. “Simon has a combination
of charm and perseverance,” says Burnham. “He gets in there
and quickly establishes relationships with people and earns their trust.
... Not only is he the only American or English-speaking scholar, but
to my knowledge he’s the only scholar at all — even
including the Russians — who has this particular access to this
material.” Morrison’s colleagues note that he is trusted both
by the Prokofiev family and by the directors of the state archives that
contain the Prokofiev material.
Much of the material relating to Prokofiev’s life was sealed until
50 years after his death. In 2003 a vast trove of materials became available.
At the time Morrison was working on a collection of essays on six lost
ballets from the 1920s. Dance music is a grossly understudied area of
music history, partly because of the difficulty of preserving choreography.
“When you look at ballet history before video,” says Morrison,
“you’re confronting a vast emptiness, a vast silence. One
thing I was interested in was to what degree ballets comment on their
own ephemerality. But when the Prokofiev archive opened up, everything
in my life changed because what I was confronted with was so remarkable.”
That meant immersing himself in Russia’s vast network of archives,
which are still in a transitional state. Says Emerson, “They are
out of people’s individual bedrooms and cardboard boxes, and the
state is centralizing them but the state is also very nervous about giving
access, not for the reasons you’d think in a communist country —
for political reasons — but because people steal them and they turn
up in auctions. This is capital. The country’s starving to death;
the academics aren’t getting paid. The infrastructure has collapsed.
You won’t believe what they’ve stolen: They’ve taken
original poems by Pushkin and put them out at auction, unspeakably priced.”
Good relationships notwithstanding, Morrison must proceed carefully.
There’s a fine line between getting what he needs and asking for
too much. The Cold War might be over, but the paranoia and game-playing
that marked it go on: “Russians will preserve things even if they
are secret and never to be opened,” says Morrison. “So, for
example, in the Russian State Archive of Literature and Art, you can literally
look at the catalogue of documents associated with Prokofiev and see catalogues
1, 2, 3, and 5! Number 4 exists — it’s just not available.
And they make sure you know it exists.”
Work conditions can be brutal. A few winters back, when Morrison was
researching Ravel’s ballet Daphnis and Chloe in the archives
of the Imperial Theater in St. Petersburg, it was so cold that he and
the few other people working in the vast, semi-lit building routinely
wore gloves. “At a certain point I was happy there wasn’t
more information there because of how tough it was,” says Morrison.
His work on Prokofiev is, if anything, even more compelling, given the
political questions surrounding the composer. Painstaking work though
it is, it has become an obsession to nail down the facts about Prokofiev’s
return and subsequent treatment. “It’s becoming an enormous
addiction,” Morrison allows. “Sometimes, I’ve spent
a week to get a sentence.” As an example, he cites a moment in 1938
when Prokofiev was allowed to visit the United States for the last time.
The composer went to Hollywood and even met Gloria Swanson. Throughout
the trip he was monitored by Soviet agents, and his movements were reported
back to the Soviet Union. He was in New York when a call came offering
him $1,500 a week to write music for Hollywood movies. But his two sons
were then in the Soviet Union, and Prokofiev felt he had no choice but
to return.
The first of Morrison’s Prokofiev projects, Le Pas D’Acier,
was not such a big departure for the young professor. “The score
was untampered with but the ballet had been lost,” says Morrison.
In the mid-1920s, when he composed it, Prokofiev was living in Paris and
feeling a bit sorry for himself. His thoughts kept turning to his homeland,
where so much was happening in the arts. When Serge Diaghilev, the impresario
of Les Ballets Russes, approached him about writing a ballet
on a Soviet theme, Prokofiev leaped at the offer. He teamed up with the
Constructivist artist Georgii Yakulov, who was back in Russia, and the
two came up with a 40-minute ballet in two acts, which they envisioned
as a celebration of Soviet industrialization following the Revolution.
When it debuted in Paris in 1927 the ballet was viewed as pro-communist;
in Moscow two years later it was understood to be the opposite: a communist
satire. The last time it was staged before the Princeton production was
in 1931, and that revival featured a different story line.
Diaghilev once described Le Pas D’Acier as his “Bolshevik
ballet,” but Morrison believes Prokofiev was aiming for something
lighter and less political. “The intention was to create a work
that was a playful representation of the revolutionary change rather than
something that was subversive and political,” he says. “It
was about the body, the idea that the body was a machine. The result was
a beautiful ballet. All the reviewers said the second half was incredible.”
This is not your little sister’s pretty ballet, but a vigorous
dance that nods to silent movie acting and even gymnastics. In his production,
Morrison enlisted Lesley-Ann Sayers, an English theater historian who
already had spent eight years re-creating Yakulov’s visually arresting
set, with its cogs and levers and hypnotic spinning wheels. Prokofiev’s
music is insistent and troubled, even though there seems to be strong
optimism at the end, when the factory collapses but the collective doesn’t.
Pushkin’s Boris Godunov presented a different sort of
challenge for Morrison. The play focuses on the brief interregnum in the
early 17th century between Russia’s two big dynasties — a
period that always has fascinated Russians but alarmed their rulers —
when Godunov was the czar. In 1936 the visionary director Vsevolod Meyerhold
wanted to resurrect it in a staging that could not have avoided being
seen as a critique of the current regime. He asked Prokofiev to supply
about 40 minutes of incidental music, including several dances. But before
the play, with Prokofiev’s music, could be produced, Meyerhold was
arrested in 1939 on a spurious charge of treason stemming from his directorial
experimentation. He was executed in 1940.
Decades later, Morrison found Meyerhold’s notes and Prokofiev’s
handwritten score. “The published score was wrong, but to fix it
was pretty easy,” says Morrison. “It was just a matter of
looking at the plans for the Pushkin play that Prokofiev worked with and
just matching it up.”
Pushkin, of course, occupies a special place in the Russian consciousness.
“They all know Pushkin by heart, the way people used to know Shakespeare
by heart,” says Emerson. There is a large Russian émigré
population in the New York area, and just how revered Pushkin still is
became clear when, following the Times’ front-page story, 1,500
calls came in seeking tickets for the four-performance Princeton run that
already was sold out. A big contingent came from Moscow, including a television
crew from Moscow’s Channel One. The Russian press reviewed the production
with a mixture of jealousy that Russia had not managed to pull this off
and pride that their beloved Pushkin could create such a stir in New Jersey.
The production’s cross-racial casting threw the Russians for a loop,
and they were impressed that a production of such high quality could be
staged by a university. “When you watch this production, in which
for the first time words and music are brought together into the unified
whole of a stage performance, you understand how brilliant and captivating
this forbidden show would have been at the beginning of 1937,” one
Russian reviewer wrote.
Those two works are preparation for Morrison’s highest-profile
project yet: his restoration of Romeo and Juliet, the ballet Prokofiev
was hired to compose by Vladimir Mutnykh, the director of the Bolshoi
Ballet. It long has been one of the world’s best-loved ballets,
and yet, says Morrison, “The version that’s known and loved
around the world is completely incorrect. There’s an act missing.
There are dances orchestrated by people against Prokofiev’s wishes,
and other stuff he was forced to put in there against his will,”
including solo dances for the hero and heroine. The orchestration was
thickened. Fixing the ballet, Morrison says, “is a massive exercise.”
The biggest change Prokofiev and his collaborator Sergei Radlov made
to Shakespeare’s familiar story was to add a happy ending: Their
Juliet wakes up from her potion-induced slumber just as Romeo is reaching
the awful conclusion that she is dead. But when Prokofiev presented his
score to the Soviet cultural authorities, who had been growing ever more
conservative, they balked at the ending. The Shakespeare purists among
them did not like the idea of changing the familiar ending. Prokofiev
had a logical answer to their objections, saying, “Living people
can dance, the dying cannot.” Grasping at ways to preserve the integrity
of his vision, he even suggested hanging a red flag outside the theater
on nights when the sad ending was to be performed, a green flag when the
happy one was planned.
Morrison found himself courted by some of the world’s top ballet
companies, including the New York City Ballet, which wanted to produce
the newly restored Romeo and Juliet. He settled on the Mark Morris Dance
Group, which he has long admired, but he has no illusions of avoiding
controversy. “This is a very high-stakes project,” says Morrison.
“It’s the Holy Grail of the dance repertoire. So I know I’m
in for it. That’s why, even this summer in Moscow, I had to make
sure that I had the evidence to prove what I said happens, in documents,
color facsimiles, Stalin signing off on [the familiar] version. I had
to do all that because I know what’s coming.”
In a sense, Morrison may get a small taste of the sort of pressure Prokofiev
himself felt toward the end of his life. In 1948 a scandal at the Union
of Soviet Composers, the body that commissioned works and paid royalties,
enveloped Prokofiev, which led to the banning of all his works and the
annulment of his pension. Having seen the fates of Meyerhold and Mutnykh,
who also was executed, he feared for his life. His blood pressure went
up, and he had several strokes.
Prokofiev in old age hardly could have been more different from the
brash young composer he once had been. He was a broken and sick man. All
the good commissions were gone, and he was reduced to writing small pieces
for radio and television. In 1950 he wrote a piece called “Winter
Bonfire” for the Soviet Boy Scouts. “He had lost a lot,”
says Morrison. “But he needed the money, so he did it.”
Prokofiev died on March 5, 1953, which, in a cruel twist, happens to
be the same date officially given for Stalin’s death. It’s
too late to save the composer from the mistakes he made. The best we can
do for him, Morrison suggests, is to tell his story as accurately as possible
and get out that incredible music.
“What happened to Prokofiev was a travesty of enormous proportions,”
says Morrison. “I think that a historian can in a small way make
amends and try to correct something that’s a historical wrong. Artistically,
respecting the intentions of a work, scraping away all the political trash
— the work will be better for it. It will have new life.”
Merrell Noden ’78, a freelance writer, is a frequent PAW contributor.