Chibli Mallat, a leading Middle Eastern human rights lawyer
and visiting senior research scholar at the Woodrow Wilson School, is
running for president in Lebanon, which is scheduled to hold elections
next fall. Information about his platform is available at mallatforpresident.com.
A professor of law at Université Saint-Joseph in Beirut, Mallat
helped found Indict, an organization dedicated to bringing former members
of Saddam Hussein’s regime to trial on charges of crimes against
humanity. He recently spoke with PAW’s Mark F. Bernstein ’83.
What policy should the United States pursue going forward in Iraq?
There have been a lot of suggestions from many quarters, and I think
that is healthy. But there is a major flaw in that pursuit so far: Where
are the Iraqis? You can’t do anything without the Iraqis. We need
a commission similar to the Iraq Study Group that is bipartisan on the
Iraq-U.S. side — an Iraqi-American commission. With a commission
where the full spectrum of American and Iraqi leadership is represented,
both the formation of the policy and its implementation become effective.
You pushed to prosecute Saddam Hussein, yet you have criticized
his execution. Why?
My personal conviction is that the death penalty belongs to the pre-civilized
age. In addition, standards of a fair trial generally failed in this trial,
although the circumstances were uniquely difficult. The greatest mistake
was not to hold the trial outside Iraq. Having it in Iraq led to all sorts
of dangers. In addition to those executed, 13 people were killed over
this trial. This is an unacceptable toll.
Hezbollah has established a strong presence in Lebanon. What is
your position on this?
We need to take a frank position toward Hezbollah’s excesses.
The war with Israel did not achieve anything but misery for Lebanon, and
Hezbollah violated both international and Lebanese law in starting it
and pursuing it unilaterally. Hezbollah needs to give up its weapons,
and integrate as a normal party in the Lebanese system. At the moment,
it is pursuing brinkmanship in the shape of a rampant coup. It’s
not acceptable.
What is your view of the Syrian influence on Lebanon?
There is a heavy suspicion that the Syrians have assassinated our leaders,
underlined by an ongoing international investigation. The Syrians say
they had nothing to do with it. But they have been opposing the international
tribunal that we are seeking to bring the perpetrators to justice, and
they are simply not allowing Lebanon to follow its course of independence
and democracy.
Given that, as you say, several Lebanese political leaders have
been assassinated, do you fear for your own safety?
There has been a pattern of assassinations of Lebanese political leaders,
including close colleagues and friends, politicians, journalists, public
figures of all sorts. So there is concern. Being candid about it is the
best protection.
Why are you running for the Lebanese presidency?
The main reason is that the leadership that the Cedar Revolution [of
2005, which sought the withdrawal of Syrian troops from Lebanon] has produced
is not up to the expectations of the country. There’s a huge need
for a different type of leadership throughout the Middle East. Lebanon
is the one country that, because the nature of its revolution was nonviolent,
could produce this leadership. It’s true that there is no one of
Nelson Mandela’s caliber, or Gandhi’s, but our revolution
in Lebanon deserves someone who at least seeks to approximate the model
they offered.
What is your platform?
In terms of political reform, I have three main ideas. The first is
that people should elect the top executive leaders directly. At the moment,
members of parliament elect the president in Lebanon and frustrate a basic
right that vests in the citizens. Second, Lebanon is a heavily sectarian
country; only a Christian Maronite can run for president. Although I am
a Christian Maronite, I want to reduce the sectarian inequality in the
political system. The third important issue is to increase the participation
of women in politics. The idea is to have at least a quarter of the cabinet
composed of women.
Do you think you bring different qualities to the political arena
because you are a professor?
In the sense that Woodrow Wilson did, of course. Of all American presidents,
he is the one I identify most with. I am a firm believer in the need for
leaders to write their own speeches, and Wilson’s Crossroads
to Freedom, the book of his campaign speeches of 1912, is a unique
political testimony. Deliver fewer speeches, but give quality to them
and think them through.