Both the international community and the American public are fully prepared to support the first of these options. No one has suggested any plausibly effective response to al-Qaeda that does not involve strikes within Afghanistan. But what about escalating the conflict to the second level?

It seems unlikely that we can stop Afghanistan from serving as a haven for terrorists without ousting the Taliban government. The history of failed British and Soviet attempts to dominate the country, however, stands as a grim warning to any country contemplating an invasion; the terrain is a dream for guerrillas and a nightmare for conventional forces.

At this point, it is impossible to say what the scope of our objectives in Afghanistan should be. But daunting though it may be, we should not rule out a war aimed at changing the government, which has been a scourge to its own people as well as a threat to others. To leave the Taliban in control might well be to repeat the mistake we made of leaving Saddam Hussein in power at the end of the Gulf War. Much will depend on the breadth of the coalition that the United States can assemble outside and inside Afghanistan. The Russians failed in large part because we armed and trained the Taliban; the situation will be different if the major powers are united against the Taliban and no contiguous state offers them assistance. The task will also be more feasible to the extent that the organized Afghan resistance can take primary responsibility for toppling the Taliban; we may not need to undertake a full-scale deployment of our forces.

Escalating the war to the second level undoubtedly risks the lives of innocent people. But the Taliban have brought misery, denying women all rights and imposing an absolute tyranny over thought; so a wider war within Afghanistan may also save lives and restore liberties. If our forces become engaged in such a war, it will be for the sake of our own self-defense, but it is not irrelevant that we might do some good in Afghanistan itself.

Escalating the war beyond Afghanistan is a different matter entirely. If we appear to be waging a general war, we will fall into the trap the terrorists have set for us. Radical Islamic forces would like nothing better than to use the nationalist reaction we could arouse as the fuel for their struggle to dominate the Arab world.

Moreover, the United States cannot hope to maintain international support if it appears to undertake a limitless conflict. Before this crisis, the administration did not show a great deal of solicitude for the views of the Russians or even our European allies. But in a campaign against terrorism, their full cooperation is not just desirable; it is essential. No cooperation, no victory.

Surely members of the administration understand the need to work more closely with other countries. But instead of trying to establish an international framework for action--for example, through the United Nations Security Council--the administration has made decisions unilaterally and demanded that other nations follow along.

Unfortunately, the president's rhetoric has also raised expectations of a struggle of epic dimensions that has all the makings of another Cold War. His reference to the anti-terrorist campaign as a "crusade" and his invocation of God at the end of his speech to Congress suggest a kind of fervor that ought best to be left to the other side.