Often, those who have the least access to political representation are those who need it the most. Recent immigrants and non-citizens are the people most susceptible to exploitation from those in power positions, including employers, landlords, and police. Aside from unfamiliar criminal laws, the government can affect these people's lives with assistance in raising themselves above their current marginality. Basic government services such as schooling and employment laws can be more important to these immigrants than most average citizens can imagine. Reflection of a population's wants or needs in the legislative process, the ultimate level of political representation, is essentially unattainable without initial rudimentary government services. A group cannot make itself heard unless it knows how to work within the system. Merely the interaction of people with the government by attending schools can increase their political activity tremendously. The Latino presence in Princeton, NJ lacks political status and is not immune to the societal abuses, particularly employment exploitation, against which the government is supposed to provide protection.
Numerous factors combine to keep the Latinos in Princeton out of the political loop. Nationally, and in Princeton, prejudices have allocated grunt status to "Hispanics" regardless of their educational achievements or language abilities. Real Estate agents will not even show Latinos a house in certain areas. Similar to the Chinese and Irish in the last century, Latinos are seen as a glut in the immigrant market. Historically, immigration laws have been targeted at keeping the immigrant groups with the most influx of people in low proportions as citizens. Thus, laws make citizenship automatically more difficult for Latinos to obtain. Those who do enter with low levels of education and/or little English competency, face additional burdens. Many in Princeton have entered as political escapees without refugee status. Thus they bring an acute fear of government with them and an automatic compulsion to resist the political process. At the most basic level, Princeton Latinos are still a numerical minority to both whites and other minorities. All of these factors combine in a way that causes political leaders to essentially ignore the needs of the Latino community.
This paper seeks to examine the politics of the Princeton Latino community from the vantage point of the top. The relevant demographics of the population are contrasted with the impressions of state and local political leaders, interest groups, political parties and advocates. The purpose of this paper is to profile the impact that the Princeton Latino community has had on politicians, politics as a whole, and policy at a micro level.
The 1990 U.S. Census data are used to give a demographic picture of the Latino community. The statistics come from the STF3A database, and are for Mercer County and Princeton Borough. The Princeton numbers are used as an aggregate or broken down into the Borough's two Census tracts, 40 and 41. Tract 40 covers the area north of Nassau Street, while tract 41 is the area south and west of Nassau Street, including the University. Additionally, interviews of approximately one half-hour were conducted with leaders and advocates, including Marvin Reed, Mayor of Princeton Borough; Roger Martindell, Councilman for Princeton Borough; Dick Zimmer, Former U.S. Congressman, Pat Strazza, a Republican Party Representative; Henrietta Backer, a Democratic Party representative; Paulina Alvarado, Princeton site director of MECHA; and Pedro Medina, candidate for Mercer County Freeholder. Each person interviewed was asked a series of questions regarding the Latinos in their area to ascertain their perceptions of community, their view of community politics, and their efforts toward voter solicitation. As the interviews progressed, and information about triggering events in the community arose, questions about these events were added to the survey.
Generalizations about the Princeton Latino community taken from Census data can be helpful in initiating an understanding of the potential power dynamics of the area. In order to comprehend the politics of the region, one must understand the place that Princeton Latinos occupy in society. Discussion of the Princeton Census data should be prefaced with a slight disclaimer about their age. In the last seven years, the Latino community has seen a continued influx in both the county and the borough that the 1990 data can only imply. However, the importance of the Census data is not the actual numbers, but the picture that these numbers present. All indications show that the rates of immigration have maintained or increased, while the rates of education and citizenship have stagnated or decreased.
In the late 1980s, Mercer County received a large increase in
its immigrant population, showing the beginning of a population
trend. The last three years of the decade, the rate of immigration
for the county increased by about 60%. Such a massive immediate
stream of new people would have most certainly attracted the attention
of politicians. However, noticing a population and acting to
protect it are entirely different concepts.
Princeton Borough absorbed a hugely disproportionate amount of
these new immigrants. In the same time period, the borough rate
of immigration rose by approximately 400%. In just the two year
period of 1985-1986, the borough absorbed one third of the county's
immigrants in addition to what would be its previously normal
share of the immigrant population. What was a minor addition
to the county as a whole was a major invasion of the borough.
Princeton politicians, like those at the county level, were neither
prepared for this community nor were they immediately responsive
to its needs.
Although many of the increasing immigrants to Mercer County and Princeton Borough were Spanish speaking, the ratio of Hispanics to non-Hispanics remained low. For Mercer County, Hispanics accounted for only about 6% of the population in 1990. In Princeton, they comprised only 5.5% of the population. Thus, even though Hispanics were taking over a larger percentage of the population, they had a long way to go before they would have enough aggregate numbers to be a significant portion of the inhabitants. This lack of presence was especially true in the minds of politicians.
Even in 1990, the vast majority of Hispanics in Princeton were
denied eligible voter status based on their lack of citizenship.
Of all the "Foreign born" people in Princeton, only
25% had undergone the naturalization process to become citizens.
When one considers the additional voter weeding mechanisms of
age, registration, language, and education, the number of Hispanic
immigrants who have the possibility of attracting the attention
of a politician as a potential voting block becomes almost infinitesimal.
The naturalization process is notorious for
its bureaucratic roadblocks. The 25% of this population that meets the citizenship requirement must also know about the rules of voting, such as the legal age and the registration requirements of the area. In Princeton, one must register to vote at least 29 days in advance of an election. There are rules for re-registering, and of course exceptions to those rules. If a person has managed to become a registered voter, s/he must then be able to read and understand the ballot in order to effectively vote. Not many individuals pass through all of these challenges. Politicians know the difficulties that the Latino population faces, and they have little incentive to spend time doing deeds to attract this specific vote.
There are demographic factors other than citizenship that keep
the Latino population from forming a cohesive political block.
They cone from tremendously different backgrounds. The U.S. Census
Bureau groups each sub-population together by virtue of their
being "Hispanic." However, this classification does
not mean that the groups have much in common. Yes, they
have the same stereotypes imposed upon them and are subject to
similar prejudices, but each Hispanic sub-population has its own
identity and agenda. In fact, each origin group has an incentive
to view the other groups as competition for what token political
attention the Hispanic community is given. As the 1990 graph
shows, there is no one clearly dominant group that can take a
leadership role in agenda setting. Thus the different origin
groups have the potential to compete among themselves and accomplish
little for the needs that they do share.
Segregation among the origin groups is evident in the breakdown
of the Borough Census tracts. There are Mexicans split relatively
evenly between the two tracts, but the Puerto Ricans, Guatemalans,
and Colombians all live in areas populated only by their own group.
Such isolationist tendencies, regardless of there causes, make
formation of a solid "Latino" political contingent difficult.
This is more apparent when one considers that tract 41 contains
the Latino University students who live in a sphere all their
own. Those Hispanics who one could reasonably assume to have
achieved some type of political clout clearly have their own agenda
merely because of their student status.
Voting, and thus political power, is directly related to education. Controlling for race, income, ethnicity, religion, geographic region, and almost any other characteristic, level of education is the most accurate indicator of likely voter status. Likely voters are the people that politicians care about. Prospects for future voting influence are very different for each of the Princeton census tracts. Judging from their enrollment in college, one could say that even though the population in tract 41 is smaller, they are the most likely to take over any future political agenda. However, these students are not likely to have an effect on Princeton politics. Tract 41 encompasses the University, a world outside the Borough. Thus, the outlook for the Latino "Townie" population is abysmal. In tract 40, few Hispanics over the age of 3 are enrolled in elementary or high school, and fewer in pre-primary schools. Most are not enrolled in any type of schooling at all.
The lack of Latinos enrolled in school is not due to the fact
that they are older people who have already achieved a sufficient
level of schooling. The levels of educational attainment for
those Hispanics over the age of 25 is a better measure of the
group's political hope. At this age
the University students have left the Princeton area. There is still likely to be "University" tainting of the numbers because of graduate students. However, the bulk of the University population, the undergraduates, would have left by the age of 25. For the Latinos, twice as many people have not finished high school as have a Bachelor's degree. 115 people had either no high school or did not complete their basic education. Meanwhile, only 58 people graduated from any type of college program. The aforementioned University graduate students can be assumed to take up a good portion of those who do have a Bachelor's degree, and these graduates students are subject to the same isolation from the community as the undergraduates. Discounting them makes the educational numbers for the Hispanic community look even more frightening. They enter Princeton with little or no education, they remain outside of the school enrolled population, and thus remain without any education.
Without the skills of an education, and the familiarity with American bureaucracy that schools teach, the 1990 Census data shows that the initial Hispanic immigrants to the Princeton area were not developing the basic levels of integration that would help then or their followers assimilate well into the political process. This in combination with their lack of citizenship could doom the community to remain outside of the political process despite their growing presence in the total population.
The next aspect in this examination of the political dynamics of the Latino community jumps from a demographic picture of the recent past to anecdotal impressions of the current situation. The selection process of interview candidates chose mostly individuals who had a previous reputation of being actively involved with the Princeton Latino community. Thus their information is likely to be biased in some way. One should keep in mind that their actions are the best that is happening for the Latinos, not the norm. However, there is some hope because some of those who are active also hold influential positions.
Mayor Reed possesses an extensive understanding of the composition of the Latino community and the history of the two largest groups: Mexicans and Guatemalans. He believes that the Latinos first became noticeable in the community with the Sanctuary Movement from Guatemala: . . . several of the churches had banded together to help refugee families that were escaping oppression in Guatemala . . . from that it expanded into a general movement of people.
Once the immigrants arrive in the Princeton Borough, they usually will experience difficulties because of the language barrier. Mayor Reed identified housing as a major issue in trying to get landlords not to take advantage of the new immigrants by putting too many families in the same apartment. Single men who are here without families are another issue in the community because they tend to gather in clusters and have more time for drinking, [and] it is customary to get neighborhood complaints about loud music.
These problems have not been allowed to persist without some sort of policy change in the borough. According to the mayor, many brochures on basic aspects of living in the community have been translated into Spanish. The topics addressed include housing regulations, garbage pick-up, and health materials. Additionally, programs have been set up to ease the overall cultural transition of the immigrants into the United States. Mayor Reed gives an example of one program:
There was no day care that the Latino women wanted to leave their children with. We worked with MECHA (Mercer County Hispanic Association) and the Y . . . to set up an intercultural day care program that had roughly fifty percent of the children from Spanish-speaking families . . . [and] the other fifty percent [not Hispanic]. The schools support it because it is a bridge to the school system. When the children go to kindergarten, they should be familiar with the routine and cooperate within an English-speaking kindergarten with some assistance from lingual aid.
In addition, new staff members for the borough as well as police officers will most often speak some Spanish. This is so that when someone comes in who does not speak English well there is always someone nearby to translate.
An interesting interaction that is occurring in the borough at this time, according to the mayor, is that between Latinos and Blacks. There is strife, but the mayor believes both groups tend to deny a problem when the issue is brought up in the public discourse. Mayor Reed remarks on this strife: There have been three or four, what I call physical incidents,. . . More it manifests itself with remarks to the Black community that the town is paying more attention to the Hispanics than they have ever paid to us [and questions such as] Why doesn t the town make them behave the way that they have made us behave?'
Although Mayor Reed has been somewhat active with the population, he does not feel they are a major political factor. Though it is not his political style to cater to a specific group, he has tried to make sure that the impact of the Latino community has not been negative. He has done this by being very supportive of MECHA s annual fund-raising events through such means as letting them use his mailing list.
Overall, the mayor appears to be a friend of the Latino community. He has a general understanding of their composition and history and has been cooperative in efforts to ease their transition into the Borough. The only question that needs to be asked is how long this benevolence will last. His actions are motivated more out of a respect for social justice, not a direct political cohesion of the community asserting its needs on the government. Thus the Latino population is still without solid political power in the Mayor's office.
As one of the more involved people with the Latino community, Roger Martindell has worked in an important capacity. However, this has not been as a member of the council, rather, it has been through his occupation as a lawyer.
The immigrants who come into the Borough often have as a principal goal to find work. Often, the employers will exploit the workers through such means as failing to pay time and a half for hours worked in addition to the forty hour work week. Mr. Martindell explains that the Latinos will typically work seventy to eighty hours a week or twelve hours a day with their only holiday being Christmas. When a Latino worker asks for a day off to go visit his or her family, he or she will often be denied. When this happens, they will often ask Mr. Martindell if they have a right to get this day off. After telling them that they do not have a right for a day off, he will explain that they can sue the employer for failing to pay overtime for the extra thirty hours a week that the Latino has worked for the past five years. The Latino worker will almost never come in asking for money, usually the request is for a day off or some other minor convenience. This shows not only a commitment to a strong work ethic, but also a lack of understanding of the protection that they, as workers, are entitled to from the government.
When asked about the Latinos being specifically located in the John/Witherspoon Street area, Mr. Martindell said that this is mainly because of the proximity to their jobs. Since many of them are not citizens and cannot get a driver's license, they have to walk to their job in the University or in the town. In addition, the level of concentration is increased because there is comfort in numbers and the housing costs are cheaper. When asked if discrimination had anything to do with their location in the area, Mr. Martindell said that there may be some visible in the form of a Hispanic's inability to have a realtor show them a house in a nicer neighborhood.
As far as his role as a councilman, Mr. Martindell says that he and the rest of the government have dealt little with the Latino community. Attributing this to the language and cultural barriers and their lack of a vote, he believes it will be some time until they are able to exercise political power. In addition, a fear of government from experiences in their homelands was another factor that he cited causing Lations to remain politically dormant. The largest representation of the Latinos has been through well-off individuals who have patronized their individual workers. Comparing them to the Italian immigrants who arrived 50 to 100 years ago, he says that they will essentially go through the same process of establishing roots that will lead to some political activity.
This interview is a slight contrast to the interview with Mayor Reed in that it gives the impression that the Latino community receives very little protection from the local government in terms of their problems. Through the interaction of MECHA and such individuals as Mr. Martindell, many of their needs are addressed.
From the beginning of the interview, Mrs. Strazza admitted that she was not extremely familiar with the Latino community. Nevertheless, she is aware of many of the problems associated with the Latino community in the Borough.
One incident related by Mrs. Strazza dealt with Hispanics in the local school system:
. . . over at the school . . . [there were] some suspensions that ended up being all Hispanics. There were a few questions as to whether it was discrimination on the part of the police. It was for drug violations or having knives at school . . . Many thought that they were a targeted group and there were some law suits that came up . . .
In addition, Mrs. Strazza commented that the language and cultural barriers make it difficult for a new immigrant group to understand the various rules of the community. There have been problems with too many people living in a rental district, garbage collection, and other aspects she said are common of being a good neighbor.
Up until this point, the Borough Republican Party has not really concentrated on recruiting the Latino community because of its new status. Mrs. Strazza noted that most of them are out of the loop as far as political unity because of the lack of registered voters. Though little time has been spent on the community lately, the occurrences in California and other populous Latino areas of the country make her think that they may have a larger impact on the future borough politics. As of now, she and the rest of the local party is concerned with getting Republicans on the Borough Council so that they can deal with many of the social problems that she believes to be afflicting the Latino community.
In all, the Latino community has not been a major concern of the Borough Republicans. Though Mrs. Strazza identifies certain social ills with the community, she feels like the population will not be a major force or concern of the party until the Latino vote increases. However, she does see this vote increasing. To understand what will happen with the Republican party when this power does arrive, it is necessary to examine the campaing of last year's Republican Senate candidate.
Though Mr. Zimmer has been involved with Latinos in other part of the state, his interaction on the Princeton Borough level has been minimal. He explains his involvement:
Frankly, I m not real familiar with the community. Most of the contact I had with the Latino community in my campaign was in north Jersey in Hudson county, for example, in Elizabeth . . . There is a Latino Republican group in Mercer county and I have gone to one or two of their functions.
In addition, his campaign tried to garner this Latino vote in north Jersey. For example, his very first paid ad was about the Castro issue and was broadcast in West New York and Jersey City.
Even though he worked extensively on the Latino vote, he feels that he did badly among the state-wide Latino vote. He believes the image of the Republicans as "anti-immigration" was the principal cause of this. He tells how his opponent, Robert Torrecelli (D), used this: . . . I had voted for the Official English Language which he referred to as English Only which is a misnomer. And, he tried to use that as a wedge and ran a lot of ads . . . I think $50,000 worth of ads on the radio and cable TV attacking me as being anti-Spanish . . .
According to Mr. Zimmer, there is a definite movement within the party to make inroads into the Latino vote. Most Republicans have essentially given up on this because they assume that all Latinos will vote Democratic. However, as one of the fastest growing blocs in the state and country, Latinos need to be brought into the Republican party for the good of the party and the good of the Hispanic. As far as the success rate of this, Zimmer remarks that there is a bigger pay off in trying to bring in Hispanics rather than other minority groups. He attributes this to the Republican party s identification with strong family values and economic growth.
The Democratic party has a different view of the Latino community than the Republican party. Mrs. Backer also admitted to knowing little about the Latino community. However, she did not see much political activity now, nor prospects for such activity in the future. She feels that the Hispanics do not involve themselves in politics because they fear discovery.
Minorities can have an impact in Princeton. Mrs. Backer referred to the Black community as the most organized block in all of Princeton. As a group, the Blacks have had a major impact on Princeton politics. The Latinos live in housing with levels of concentration that give them reason to need political protection and could also be a huge benefit to their organizational abilities. Despite this core, Mrs. Backer emphasized that the illegal status of so many of the Princeton Latinos keeps them from attracting attention to themselves. As immigration laws become stricter, she is cynical about the population's ability to achieve more political representation. Thus while the Republicans see a future for Latinos in the political sphere, the Democrats do not.
In all, Mrs. Strazza, Mr. Zimmer and Mrs. Backer uncover the reality
that the Latino community in the Princeton Borough is not of great
concern. Though the Latino vote is courted in the northern parts
of the state, there is none in the Princeton Borough which leaves
only such activist organizations as MECHA to meet their
needs.Dick Zimmer, past
Congressman ® of the 12
MECHA is a non-profit organization that is helping the Latino community within Princeton become self-empowered. This is a slow process done through information allocation, access to social services, and cultural development. Ms. Alvarado explains their housing locator program: . . . we help the members of our community learn about the rights and duties of tenants. When they want us to, we help them find housing [that] is in their budget . . . and, if appropriate and applicable, if they are eligible for government housing.
When new immigrants arrive in the Princeton area, they are usually received with more openness than other parts of the country. For one, this is due to a conception by the local employers that Latinos are better workers: They are a lot more receptive here in terms of the Latino population in the work force . . . [employers] have expressed to us [that] the members of the Latino community tend to be very reliable, they work very hard, and for a lot less. Unfortunately, there have been some problems over the past year with wage problems. Though MECHA does not get involved with these disputes directly, they will often refer families or individuals to legal assistance.
When asked about a mistrust of government by Latinos, Ms. Alvarado explained that the immigration issue was a determinant factor, rather than the experiences in their home country identified by Roger Martindell. She explains the fears: With all the changes that have been made in immigration . . . there is a lot of uncertainty and fear of deportation, even if it is not applicable to them . . . There is a lot of fear that if they do something . . . that if they speak out, they will be singled out, and that could cause problems."
When asked about the receptiveness of the local government to MECHA s efforts, Ms. Alvarado seemed somewhat satisfied with the level of cooperation. However, she said that even though the local governments may have good intentions, they really do not have the resources to effectively help the Latinos make the transition into the community or to help solve many of their problems. Culture shock was a predominant issue to which other interviewees attributed some problems in the Latino community. Ms. Alvarado said that this shock is not very evident. She dismisses the idea that Latinos are not familiar with garbage collection, a example mentioned by earlier interviewees:
In terms of those things, those are not culture shock at all, they [definitely] have garbage collection in their native land. That is nothing that they have not seen before. They have all seen toilets, they have all seen all those types of things . . . especially if they are from the city.
Instead, being politically correct is the most difficult adjustment to Latinos here in the borough: More of the cultural shock that you tend to find [is] that here in the United States, people are very politically correct . . . people don t say things just like they are. You won t find that so much in the Latino culture. That really is a shock to people when you don t tell things the way they are . . .
When asked about the political future of the Latino community here in the borough, Ms. Alvarado did not want to predict too much, but felt that they will definitely become an important voice. According to Ms. Alvarado, MECHA had 610 new clients last year bringing their total clientele to about 1,200 people. She did not feel that different nationalities will prohibit unity:
One [tiny element] that unites the Latino community here in the United States is . . . the language . . . when you come to the United States, the definition of identity in terms of I m Colombian, Spanish, Chilean, Guatemalan, Puerto Rican, Mexican is not in the same universe as it once was . . . Whether we like it or not, we are all grouped in the same category of Latino from without, which makes us unite from within. In addition, you innately feel a sense of camaraderie with anyone else who speaks Spanish . . .
Another possible inspiration for unity is the strife between Latinos and Blacks in the community. Ms. Alvarado explains:
. . . tensions between the Latino community and the African-American community could increase and eventually there could build up a strong rivalry between the two communities. How that is resolved really depends on the interaction the community leaders have. The interaction we have with one another and how we approach resolving a lot of the problems. A lot of the African-American community is very resentful because . . . we are the new kids on the block . . . [and] people have said to me . . . [that] we are getting all of the privileges while they have been here for hundreds of years. We are flourishing and there could be a certain rivalry that could develop between the two communities.
MECHA has a variety of approaches through which it hopes to self-empower the Latino community. One way is through culture identification and appreciation programs for the youth. Additionally, education is key:
[Latino children need to know] that no matter how much discrimination you have in your face, you still have to excel. Because if you don t like the way you are being treated now, wait until you are thirty-five . . . then you will really know what that is all about. One of the things that we focus on is to help break the stereotype that many in the Latino community have about Latinos. Latinos will say to me I can t believe your dad has a Ph.D. . . . Education seems like a very mundane cliché way to obtain self-empowerment, but it really is very critical and vital.
One of the reasons that the new immigrants have been more successful in their entry into the Princeton Borough is because of the makeup of the established community. Ms. Alvarado said that the education level of the people who live in the community and the influence of the university have made it very popular to help the Latino community. However, she fears that in ten to fifteen years, the Latinos will no longer be the token community and the benevolence will not be as extensive.
At this time MECHA is the only political or social institution for the Latino community in the Princeton Borough. When there is a problem within the community, MECHA is the only place to which Latinos feel that they can turn. In addition, the programs of self-empowerment that MECHA is trying to institute today will have a major effect on whether or not the Latino community will become self-sustaining in the future: both politically and economically. To see what this community may look like politically in the future, it is necessary to turn to the state capital and the county seat twenty miles down Route 206.
Mr. Medina is probably one of the most visible Latinos in Mercer County politics. Originally born in Puerto Rico, he came to New Jersey at the age of twelve and graduated from Trenton State College (now The College of New Jersey). In his last year of college, he was approached by various members of the Hispanic community to run for the school board in Trenton (1982). Losing by only eight votes to his running mate, he was later appointed to the board to fill a vacancy. He served on the board for six years two of which he was president.
When asked about the Latino strength and political activism in Mercer County, Mr. Medina replied that power is mainly concentrated in Trenton. In addition to MECHA, Mr. Medina explained that the Latino Chamber of Commerce of Mercer County is very active politically and socially within the county community. He describes their activities:
They are doing a wonderful job bringing professionals together . . . their main objective [is to] raise money for scholarships and . . . political empowerment. As a matter of fact, we had our dinner banquet at the Hyatt. We had over 900 people . . . [and] we had to turn people away . . . They are doing really wonderful [things].
Mr. Medina says that the Latino vote in Mercer County is not very large. However, in close elections, the Trenton based Latino vote can be very important as a swing vote. Currently, Mr. Medina feels that this swing factor is the main way that Latinos have a political force at the polls. He cites his second entry into politics, as a 1990 mayoral candidate, as evidence of the potential impact that Latinos add to an election:
. . . When I ran for mayor, I [heard] from people that I was loosing my mind because I was running against two political giants . . . Well, I convinced myself that I was going to win. In fact, my candidacy . . . forced them to talk about the issues they didn t want to talk about . . . and because I ran and gained . . . 4,000 votes . . . I forced them to go into a runoff. That also brought attention to the Hispanic community because . . . we were the decisive vote. So, my candidacy . . . for mayor helped. The fact that I ran for mayor and the fact that I served on the school board for six years . . . put me in the position where . . . I am a serious candidate . . . that is electable.
In 1993, Mr. Medina did something that might seem odd for a Hispanic, he switched to the Republican Party. The Democratic party gains its strength from a coalition of minorities, and also tends to be the more social services friendly party. Therefore, the Democrats assume that they have the Latino vote because the party's issues tend to be, at least, peripherally aligned with the needs of the Latino community. One of the reasons that Mr. Medina gave for his switch was that the Democratic leadership was losing perspective and taking the minority vote for granted. He said that this prevented Latinos from taking places in key positions:
Even as a Democrat, I was endorsing and supporting Republicans and also some Democrats and hoping that they would get the message that we definitely need to include the Hispanic community within the decision-making of the party [in order] to empower the Hispanic community politically and economically and socially, and they weren t doing that. And, part of it [was that] I felt that my beliefs were more with the Republican party than what was happening at the time with the Democratic Party . . . At one time [the Democratic leadership was] doing the right thing, they were concerned with the poor [and] the working class. Anyone that has all the power sits back and no more will you work hard to keep what you have built. I think that is what they are doing. . . they are not really doing what they promised.
In response to questions about his dissatisfaction spreading to other Latinos, he cited the fact that over 200 Latinos switched with him to make an impact. He agreed with Dick Zimmer s comment that Latinos will more easily vote Republican, if not actually switch to the party. He attributes the remainder of Latinos sticking with the Democrats to tradition:
. . . if you are born into a Democratic family, you are a Democrat. But then, if you really ask many of . . . the different ethnic groups Why are you a Democrat? Oh because my grandfather [was one]. And, what I am trying to let my people know is 'Don t just [be] a Democrat because [your grandfather was one]. Look at what is being done. Mold your own ideas, values, and decisions of what party you are going to support based on if they are doing what they said they were going to do . . .'
In addition, he feels that the Democrats in power attempt to keep the poor from gaining power because it would be like waking up a sleeping giant. He remarked that the Democratic leadership has not helped the poor become more independent because they would loose their power. In contrast, he says that the Republican Party gives people the necessary tools in order to work for what they earn.
According to Mr. Medina, the Republicans are the first party in Mercer County to endorse a Hispanic candidate for a major public office. As of now, there are no Hispanics in elected office in Trenton or Mercer county. Appointed offices are also scarce. The issue of Hispanics holding appointed decision-making positions is a serious problem within the Latino community because there is severe under-representation. Under the administration of the new Black mayor of Trenton, the number of Latinos working for the city has increased, but there is only one Latina in a key position, and she was appointed before this mayor s term. Mr. Medina says that this lack of power is unfair for the Latino community because they have given the African-Americans a lot of support. In the political world of back-scratching, the Blacks are not returning a favor that the Hispanics have given to them in order to place them in power. Mr. Medina does not feel that there is any strife, per se, between the two communities. He explains:
I think that some of the [African-American] leaders are over zealous about keeping that control [and] they do not realize that the Latino community is also a minority community [going through the same processes that they went through] . . . they should embrace what we are doing . . . [and] they should vote for Latinos to get elected because they know what it is like not to have political power [and] economic [power]. . . . I think that some of the leaders are making a big mistake by not embracing the Hispanic community.
Mr. Medina said that he is proud of his heritage, but he is running as an American . . . that has something to offer to the [all] residents of this county. He does not want his ethnicity to play too large of a role in his campaign for Freeholder. However, he does feel that his candidacy is important for the Hispanic community. Through his election, he hopes to instill pride, empowerment, and confidence in the Latino community that will allow them to grow politically, socially, and economically. In the end he says everyone will benefit because . . . it doesn t matter who you are because we are all Americans, and based on that reality, the progress of any particular group is to the benefit of everyone that lives in that particular community. However, Mr. Medina seemed to convey that one of the largest obstacles to this progression of the Latino community is education. Alarmed by the Latino high school drop out rate, he said that it does not matter if the Latinos are a majority at one point because if we are not educated, don t stay in school, [then] we are not going to be able to contribute to the mainstream of this country.
Regarding the immigration issue, Mr. Medina did not express the same feelings as MECHA director Paulina Alvarado. He felt that it is an issue mainly restricted to the West Coast and that it does not have as large of an impact in the Mercer County area. Additionally, he explained his personal feelings on the issue:
I might . . . [feel] bad for many of the people that come over here looking for a better life, but, again, we have to protect what we have here. We have to provide for the people we have here. And, to the credit of many of the Latin Americans that have come here, let me tell you that they have come here to work. So, that is a big plus. They have the right, and they can go through the process like anyone else and become a citizen or become a legal resident. But, if you choose not to go through that process, then you should be sent back.
Princeton has a lot in common with Trenton, but not necessarily everything. Aside from basic economy structures and education systems, one big difference between the communities is the importance of immigration. The Black community has been a major driving force in Princeton politics, as well as in Trenton. Also, the receptivity of the Republican party is far greater than the Democratic party. Part of this is a result of the organizational power that African-Americans have in Princeton. In 1996, a traditionally Republican stronghold fell to the Democrats. Presidential coattails played a part in this victory, but the strength of the individual Democratic candidates also had a role. Considering that the Clinton coattails were not very long for the rest of the nation, the strength of the Democratic candidates in Princeton deserves more credit.
Therefore, the Republicans are hungry for a way to regain their lost control. An essentially untapped political force, the Latinos, seems like a good place to start. The Republican party has a significant chance to bring many of hte Princeton Latinos into their party. Merely approaching them to register those who are eligible to vote can capitalize on the indifference of the Democratic party. Additionally, the Republicans have an issue with which they can bond with Latinos. Abortion is an issue that voters are known to base their vote upon. While MECHA shows that Princeton Latinos are more concerned with housing and jobs than abortion, the Republicans can use this issue as another incentive and similarity to attract voters.
The progress of Pedro Medina will be interesting to watch. There is a chance that the development of the Princeton Borough s Latino community will follow many of the same patterns of the Trenton Latino community. Regardless of whether the Princeton Latino community becomes as active or more active than the Trenton Latinos, Pedro Medina is running for positions and influencing people that affect the county as a whole. Thus the Princeton Latinos are highly affected by his actions. The differences between the immigration realities as Mr. Medina sees them and as Princeton Latinos live them could cause problems. Especially considering that most Princeton Latinos are not "all Americans." In addition to his outspokeness and public offices, Mr. Medina s change to the Republican Party is a signal to the Democratic Party and all government officials that the Latino community is not one that will be left in the shadows of decision-making. He and his followers will take the route most beneficial to them in order to achieve their political needs.
Thus far, politicians at the federal, state, county, and local
level have paid little attention to the Princeton Latino community.
But as their numbers have grown over the past two decades, so
has their interaction with the political institutions and activists
in the area. The law suits that Mr. Martindell have been involved
in have helped members of the community using existing laws, but
no new policies have been developed following the public exposition
of the working conditions that these people have been subjected
to. MECHA also works through existing laws. Pedro Medina seems
to be the Princeton Latino populations most immediate hope for
political representation. However, Medina and the Princeton Latinos
do not have every political issue in common. While not a perfect
match, Mr. Medina is a hope to the Princeton Latinos. Future
party politics in the Princeton area will be played out according
to whatever the necessary means are for gaining control. Princeton
Latinos have problems that can keep them out of this process,
but the parties, particularly the Republican, have incentive to
bring them in.