Presented by Desiderio Avila Jr., Carlos Mario Bermudez, Manuel
Gonzalez, Luke Guerra, Angelica Gutierrez, and Alberto Puentes
5/ 13/ 97
"This paper represents our own work and it was written in accordance with university regulations."
Desiderio Avila Jr., Carlos Mario Bermudez, Manuel Gonzalez, Luke
Guerra, Angelica Gutierrez, and Alberto Puentes.
The Latino population is increasing greatly in the United States. In fact, estimates point to the Latino population passing the 60 million population mark by the year 2030, accounting for 20% of the population. The new Latino immigrants that come into the United States tend to concentrate in six states: California, New York, Texas, New Jersey, Illinois, and Florida. The concentration of new Latino immigrants in Texas and California is understandable. After all, these two states are located directly on the border with Mexico and contain the two most popular crossing routes for both Mexican and Central American undocumented immigrants, i.e. San Diego, California and El Paso, Texas. The concentration of new immigrant Latinos in New York is, also, understandable because New York has throughout American history been the main immigrant destination for almost all racial and ethnic groups coming to the United States.
But why are a large number of Latinos immigrating to New Jersey? What forces are pulling many new Latino immigrants to New Jersey, in general, and Princeton, specifically? This is the most important question that this paper will attempt to answer.
To be able to answer this question it will be necessary to look at the complete immigrant experience as lived by the immigrants. We believed that the complete immigrant experience is made up of six parts: the "push effect," common places of origins, common immigration routes, family links, the "pull effect," and the experience of the immigrant once established within the United States.
This paper is composed of four sections. After this introduction, the methodology and expectations section begins. This section contains our hypothesis statements. The third section of this paper presents the narratives of the interviews conducted with various members of the immigrant Latino population within Princeton Township. This random sample of the Princeton Latino immigrant population consists of 28 interviews. The answers to the questions posed in this introduction and in the methodology and expectations section will be addressed in the fourth and most important section of this paper. The fourth section is the analysis. The analysis of this paper will be broken down into six parts, in order to present our observations more clearly.
The first part of this section concentrates on why the immigrants left their homeland. What factors contributed to the immigrant's decision to leave his or her homeland and take up the arduous expedition to the United States? These factors, known in sociological terms as the "push effect," include " factors of expulsion" such as economic, social, and political hardships in the sending country.
The second part of this paper looks at whether there are common places of origin from which the new Latino immigrants that come to Princeton, New Jersey, emigrate. It is known that the two main Latino immigrant groups in Princeton are Mexicans and Guatemalans. These two groups make up most of the 5.5% of the Latino population within Princeton, according to the 1990 census. What we would like to explore is whether there are certain towns, cities, or states within Mexico and Guatemala from which a majority of the new Latino immigrants come to Princeton. Related to this search for common immigrant origins is the clarification of the different immigrant waves of Latinos that have come to Princeton.
The third part of the analysis presents the common routes that both Mexicans and Guatemalans take to their final destination of Princeton, New Jersey. The most common route for Latino undocumented immigrants, especially Mexican and Central American newcomers, will probably take them through the Tijuana, Baja California/ San Diego, California border. After all, 50% of all undocumented immigrants enter the United States through this port of entry. The second most common route for undocumented immigrants takes them through the El Paso, Texas/ Cuidad Juarez, Chihuahua border.
Through our interviews, we attempt to see if the Border Patrol operation that has been instituted in the San Diego area, known as Operation Gatekeeper, has had an effect on the crossing patterns of Latino immigrants in Princeton, New Jersey. After all before the institution of this Border Patrol program, 50% of all undocumented apprehensions, which according to the Border Patrol is directly related to the number of people that successfully cross into the United States, used the Tijuana-San Diego corridor. Besides looking for a shift in the common routes taken by immigrants en route to the United States, we see what effect this new operation in San Diego and a similar, but, apparently, more successful operation in El Paso, known as Operation Hold the Line, have had on the migratory patterns of the Latino immigrants interviewed in Princeton, New Jersey. We try to see if awareness of these programs is serving to make the stay of Latino immigrants in Princeton more permanent because of the difficulty of attempting to return to the United States, if they go back to their home country for a visit or as part of a yearly migration.
The fourth section of this paper is related both to the third section (common routes) and to the fifth section (the pull effect). This fourth section deals with the presence of family links, which consist of the presence of family members already in the United States. Family links serve as one of the determinants of which route is taken by the new Latino immigrants to enter into the United States. They, also, serve as part of the "pull effect" that brings the new Latino immigrants to particular localities within the United States.
The fifth section of this paper consists of the "pull effect" of New Jersey, in general, and Princeton, specifically. We look at why some Latino immigrants feel that Princeton, New Jersey is a better place to immigrate to then Los Angeles, California, for example. What brings them to Princeton? Is it better wages? Is it better working conditions? Is it the small presence of INS personnel within the state of New Jersey? Is it better chances for upward mobility? Is it better quality of life? Is it the presence of family members already settled in Princeton? Or is it a combination of some or all of these factors?
The sixth section of this paper deals with the conclusion of the
immigration process. This conclusion involves the establishment
of the immigrant within a certain city or town. What factors
influence the immigrant's decision to permanently reside in Princeton
and not to return to their place of origin. These factors will
probably be very similar to the factors that the brought these
Latino immigrants to Princeton in the first place. This section,
also, looks at the negative and positive experiences that the
immigrants face and/or endure within their new place of residence.
Close attention will be paid to the discrimination that these
immigrants might face in Princeton.
The questions that we are seeking answers to are infinite and various since no real sociological investigation has ever, before, been made regarding this section of the population. However, in order to guide our research we would like to state the purpose of our inquiry into the Latino population of Princeton as seeking to establish why immigrants coming to the United States are attracted to Princeton, New Jersey. In order to answer this question, we look at the complete immigrant experience, and in doing so we expect to notice interesting trends in immigration.
Where did this population come from? When did they arrive in Princeton? What brought them to Princeton? Who told them about Princeton, and what did they tell them about Princeton? Questions like these form the basis for our research. However, we recognize that every story will be different because of the wide variety of people coming from different countries and economic classes, all of whom now call Princeton, New Jersey, home.
In order to gather information, our group conducted interviews of members of the Latino community in Princeton. We attempted to interview a wide scope of people (i.e. males, females, different age groups, and different nationalities) in order to gain an understanding of the population as a whole. Thus, we wish our study to be truly concerned with Latinos, as a whole, in Princeton. The interviews were random in that we started off having no subjects in mind. We planned on using various connections that we had established during our time in Princeton, as a start, and through these connections hopefully learn of others who would be willing to contribute to our research. We believed that this would be possible because many of the connections we have seem to be pillars of the Latino community. They are people who are very active within the community and who are, also, well-known throughout the area.
For example, many of us have spent countless weekend afternoons drinking Jarritos (a Mexican soda) and watching futbol (soccer) games and/or telenovelas (Mexican soap operas) in the living room of a Mexican lady, who cooks Mexican food and sells it from her home every weekend. Another, woman owns a bodega in town, which is always a hot spot for Latino gatherings and for many the only retailer of many of their favorite products from home. Many of the interviews were, also, conducted at this location.
We , at all times, use the greatest care to protect the identity of all interview subjects. Names and addresses are never asked for or recorded on audio tape or in written notes, nor do they appear in the final translation of this paper. Street names or descriptions of residences also are not referred to in this project. All subjects were informed of the interview process, before they were asked if they were willing to participate. This must is done because of the sensitive legal status of many of those who were interviewed.
The subjects were told that we are a group doing interviews for a Princeton University sociology class seeking to compile information on the Latino population in Princeton. We sought to convey the originality of this study, and notify them that the final project will appear on the Internet. Furthermore, we explained that our project specifically seeks to establish trends in immigration among the Latino population residing in Princeton and, more specifically, to find out why they came to Princeton.
All subjects will be informed that their identities will remain completely anonymous. In fact, the subjects were given false names to protect their identities. The names were given in alphabetical order and correspond to what number they were in our interview process. After this disclosure, the prospective subjects were asked if they would be willing to participate in the interview. All interviews were conducted in the language the subject felt most comfortable with. We suspecedt that in most cases this would be Spanish, but were open to the possibility that some may prefer to conduct the interview in English. All interviewers are fluent in both languages.
We asked the subjects of our interviews a series of questions, many open-ended and somewhat vague, to allow for a more detailed and individual account of the particular individual's immigrant experience. However, other questions must contain definite answers. We plan for the questions to become increasingly more vague as the interview progresses and the subjects become more comfortable with the interviewers.
For example, the first few questions will uniformly be: When did you come to Princeton? Where did you come from? How old are you? These answers require little thought on the part of the subject, but we suspect will be very important in attempting to identify trends in terms of age of immigration and the nation of origin. The answers to these questions will probably be blurted out spontaneously by the interviewees, but will accustom them to the interview process and hopefully with the interviewer as well.
From here the questions will begin to become more open-ended, and require more detailed responses. One example of such a question is, "What economic changes have you and your family (if applicable) undergone as a result of your immigration to the United States? Another example of such a question is, "Have you ever had experienced any racism or discrimination in the United States?" Questions like these, we suspect, will give us a keener insight into what kind of immigration experience each individual had, and will be just as important in establishing trends.
We plan to always ask those being interviewed if there is anything else that they would like to tell us about that we have not specifically addressed through one of our questions, so they can have a say in the final conclusions of the interviews. Other key topics that we will address in the interviews are: the push effect exerted by their nation of origin, the pull effect of the United States, the specifics of the immigration experience itself, the reception into the Latino community in Princeton, if any family members or friends aided them at any time during their immigration, and how they now feel about the United States as well as their home country.
We believe that the interview process that we will employ will serve to illustrate the immigration and life experiences of Latinos more fully and purely than a more structured or formal interview. More fully because the reader of the interview will be allowed to hear the Latino immigrant tell their own tale. Also, more purely because it will present the reader with the raw data free of the trends that this research group will attempt to identify.
As with any scientific experiment we feel it necessary to state a hypothesis regarding our research. This hypothesis will be based on what we already know, or think we know, about the population we are studying.
We believe that the majority of the Latino population in Princeton is either from Southern Mexico or Guatemala. This belief is based on our own somewhat limited encounters with the community and popular rumors we have been exposed to.
From our knowledge of Latin American history, we expect most Guatemalans to have fled Guatemala because of the horrible economic, social, and political conditions created by the guerilla activity in Guatemala during the 1980's. We also believe that most Mexicans will sight the horrid economic and social conditions they must endure.
We believe that most entered the United States through the two most common entry points for Latin-American immigrants, documented and undocumented, the El Paso Texas/Ciudad Juarez, Chihuahua border and the San Diego, California/Tijuana, Baja California Norte border. This belief is based on the tremendous human traffic that both of these ports undergo, as well as the above assumption that most of the people come from Mexico or Guatemala.
We expect the family members had a large influence in both facilitating the immigration process and in establishing oneself within a certain locality. We expect that the immigration routes that an immigrant follows will be heavily influenced by family links.
We believe that many immigrants come to the United States looking for upward economic mobility and are willing to settle where they find the highest standard of living. We suspect that for most of the immigrants the life that they believed they would find in the United States before coming is a very different one than the one they have found here. This dissatisfaction leads to migration from one U.S. city to another.
Furthermore, we assume the main attraction to Princeton will be higher wages and standards of living than can be found in the home nation or in other parts of the United States. Princeton seemed like an odd and distant place to most of us who came from the Southwestern United States, thus we can hardly imagine how foreign it must be to those coming from Latin America. Therefore, we cannot imagine any possible force strong enough to pull Latino immigrants to Princeton other than a strong economy.
We suspect that many of the newcomers had family or friends in New Jersey, before they came, who helped to facilitate their entry into the Princeton community. Princeton would seem to be a cold and lonely place for immigrants if not for the comfort of family or friends who have already established an ethnic enclave that would be much more welcoming to the immigrants than the township or borough as a whole.
We believe that the majority of the population will be employed in the service sector of the economy. Again this is based on our sometimes limited observations of the Latino population within Princeton.
We suspect that most will have undergone experiences of discrimination in Princeton and during their immigration to Princeton. We hold this suspicion based on the common immigrant ( not even specifically Latino immigrant, but any immigrant) experience. Among immigrants, tales of abuse and violation are rampant and horrific.
Throughout our interview process we look for cases containing these assumptions, suspicions, and beliefs to be challenged, negated, altered, or reaffirmed accordingly. We realize that many of our beliefs will contain errors in judgment and many may turn out to be flat out wrong. However, we mention these prior beliefs, in order, to demonstrate how reality can differ from perceptions. Furthermore, we hope to give a name and a face to this population, which we believe has been ignored, at best, and abused, at worst. With this in mind let us introduce you to a sample of the Latino population of Princeton, New Jersey.
I am sitting outside the only Mexican grocery store in Princeton. There is a lot of trafficking of tortillas and chiles out of the store. "This is the only place tortillas are available" says Alexander the Great as I sit there eating a Pelon Rico (tamarind pulp candy). In and out of friendly exchanges with his buddies- the store appears to be a hangout or meeting place- I explain to him that I am a Princeton University student studying the sociology of Latinos in the U.S. I explain to him that I am part of a group of students in charge of researching immigration trends. Almost immediately after the word "immigration" leaves my mouth, I see in him a sudden change which alters his relaxed state. In order to calm him down, I quickly assure him that his name or anything that would in any way endanger his stay in the U.S. will not be recorded. He breathes again. I take a deep breath and begin the interview.
Alex is from Mesones, Oaxaca. He was born there in 1981. In 1990, Alex crossed into San Diego, California, through the Tijuana border with his mother and two siblings. He makes it clear that they came over without the proper documentation. His father was the first to enter the United States having first entered the United States through Tijuana in 1988. Thus, the way was paved for the reunification of the family on American soil.
His parents left Oaxaca in search of better economic and educational opportunities. His father had been a farm worker in Oaxaca and it had become increasingly difficult to support the family. I ask if he knows of any political problems the family might have had that precipitated the move to the U.S., and he responds by saying that the political climate in Mexico had not rendered the opportunity for socioeconomic mobility. His parents wanted to ensure that their children would grow up in a place where they would find a better life. His father is now a construction worker in the Princeton area.
I ask him to explain to me his family's movements once inside the United States. Alex proceeds by telling me that the family spent a brief time in San Diego before moving to Princeton, New Jersey, in order, to reunite with Alex's father who had come here searching for better work.
I ask about his education and he explains that he had attended school in Oaxaca for the first four grades and finished his primary education in the United States. Alex is currently a sophomore at Princeton High School where there is a notable Hispanic enrollment. Alex estimates that there are thirty Latinos attending the school and acknowledges the existence of racial discrimination. Alex said that he has personally encountered discrimination in the form of verbal abuse.
I sit with Alex for a while and soon the conversation turns to a discussion of the recent games in the Mexican soccer league. We talk about our favorite soccer players. I am wearing an "Atlas" shirt, while he is wearing an "Aguilas del America" shirt. Both these shirts represent teams within the Mexican soccer league. Of course this precipitates an argument over which team is better. Barrabas, ,who had been overhearing our conversation can no longer withhold his opinion, which he shares with us. We are both wrong "Las Chivas de Guadalajara," yet another team, is the best soccer team in Mexico. I tell Barrabas about our project and ask if he would consent to answer a couple of questions on his immigrant experience. Upon verbal consent, Barrabas begins by stating that he entered the United States in 1992 through Tijuana, Mexico. Barrabas comments that his father had immigrated to the United States nine years earlier, leaving behind Barrabas and his two siblings with their mother in La Reforma, Oaxaca.
As planned at the moment of separation, the family reunited five years ago in Los Angeles. They moved to Princeton shortly thereafter. Barrabas's father, apparently, had heard from an acquaintance that Princeton offered better job opportunities than California, and a much more calm environment for the children.
Both parents are, currently, employed in a local restaurant.
The family rents an apartment in the area. Barrabas, now nineteen,
had completed his primary education in Mexico and attended high
school in the United States. He graduated from Princeton High
School last year.
Chupacabras is originally from Ixzenangotlalt, Guatemala. He arrived in Newark, New Jersey in 1989 and, subsequently, settled in Princeton. Both of his parents had previously immigrated to the United States. Chupacabras's father, a barber by trade, was the first to emigrate from Guatemala in search of better employment. He arrived in Los Angeles, but found the area undesirable and moved to New Jersey where he has worked as a barber since his arrival. After settling down in Princeton, Chupacabras's father sent for his wife and they established residence in Princeton. Chupacabra's mother, once a store owner in Guatemala, is now a house wife.
Chupacabras attended junior high school in Guatemala and, later, graduated from high school. Chupacabras sites the political tensions in Guatemala as the most significant reason for his immigration to the United States. He recalls the constant threat of being caught within a military uprising. He remembers how the guerrillas would kill people for no apparent reason.
He currently works in a warehouse and resides in the Princeton area. Although he has experienced some racial discrimination in the form of verbal insults, Chupacabras appreciates the general tranquillity of life in Princeton.
I see Daniel sitting outside what is presumably his home. Trying to engage him in some sort of conversation, I ask him about the whereabouts of the Latino community. After he ponders the question for a moment Daniel replies "we are all over the place." We speak about the latinization of the U.S., commenting on the existence of latinos in places as distant from Latin America as Alaska, Illinois, Indiana, and, also, New Jersey. I tell him that I am taking a course entitled, "Sociology of Latinos in the U.S.," and that I am, specifically, interested in the Latino population in Princeton, New Jersey. I explained that the focus of the project is to shed light on the immigration trends of Latinos in Princeton. Daniel consents to be interviewed for this project.
He begins by saying that he emigrated from Putla, Oaxaca, in 1987. He traveled all over Mexico. Finally he headed north to Tijuana because a large part of his family was residing there. He lived in Tijuana for a short period of time, while relatives in San Diego with strong political influence obtained the papers necessary to gain him passage into the United States. After crossing the border, he spent some time in San Diego employed as a construction worker.
After awhile, Daniel decided to move to New Jersey because he had heard that there were better opportunities for employment from family members that had been living in New Jersey for some time. These same family members were able to facilitate his establishment in the Princeton area.
Now twenty-five, Daniel works in a plastic factory in Princeton. Once he stabilized his economic situation, he brought his wife to Princeton. Daniel cites the opportunity for economic improvement as his motivation for immigrating to the United States. He expresses the difficulties he had providing for his young wife in Mexico. In the United States he has experienced a different life-style due to his improved economic position.
He, also, speaks highly of the educational opportunities that are available in the United States. Daniel has a one year old son and he is enthused by the fact that his son will be able to achieve a greater degree of economic success than himself because he will benefit from a better education. Although Daniel plans to return to Oaxaca in a year, he is hesitant about leaving the many opportunities available to his family and himself in the United States, as well as the calm lifestyle that he has come to know in Princeton.
Ernesto was born in Jalapa, Guatemala, in 1973. He immigrated to the United States through the Tijuana-San Diego border in 1993. A significant part of his family, at the time, lived in Los Angeles. They were able to facilitate his entry to the United States. His father had left Guatemala in 1988 and his mother emigrated three years later. Ernesto and his sisters were left alone to fend for themselves under the auspices of their grandparents. His parents had immigrated to New Jersey in search of economic improvement and found refuge with relatives that had previously established residency in the state. Ernesto decided to immigrate to Princeton, in order, to be reunited with his parents.
Ernesto wanted to come to the United States in order to learn English and to study in the American school systems. He was in search of a better economic position. Four years later, he divides his time between working in a convenience store and cutting hair from within his parent's home, where he resides.
When he emigrated he did not believe that the political climate in Guatemala restricted socioeconomic mobility, but he felt that he could achieve greater economic success in the United States. Though he has not determined a specific date, Ernesto plans to return to Guatemala.
Ernesto claims to have experienced some discrimination. The discrimination that he has experienced has been largely covert, in that these acts of discrimination have been directed toward the entire Latino group. However, he does resent the English only practices that are beginning to be implemented in his workplace.
There is a large group of Latino cashiers and employees at the supermarket where he works who mainly converse in their native tongue. The management has begun to ask/force them to limit communication in Spanish because they have received complaints from non-Spanish speaking customers who think that the employees are talking about the customers. While Ernesto openly admits that the employees sometimes talk about an obnoxious customer, he does not think that the employees use of Spanish should be limited in such a way solely based on these types of objections from the customers.
He studied English in the Guatemalan school system before coming to the United States, but had not fully developed working conversational English. He was, though, able to read and write some English, which he reports as having been a large advantage. Since his arrival in the U.S. he has worked hard to improve his English, but it is a continuing struggle. He has been enrolled in various classes, which he reports as being extremely helpful in his attempts to master the English language. He believes that if the customers of the store want to understand what he is saying when he speaks Spanish, then they should make a similar effort in learning the language. He says that in this day in age everyone should be multi-lingual. He does believe that immigrants should take it upon themselves to learn English because it can only help them, but, at the same time, he believes that English should the official language of the United States. He feels that Latinos should continue to speak freely and openly in their native tongue. He sees the loss of Spanish within families as a big concern that is facing the younger generation of Latinos.
Born in Acapulco, Guerrero, Fernando Valenzuela immigrated to the United States in 1994. He arrived at the border of Laredo, Texas, and with the support of relatives across the border he was able to enter the United States. Once on American soil, he stayed with one of his sisters and her husband in Houston, Texas. Although he had originally wanted to study and learn more about the United States culture, he decided that he would search for employment. However, his sister's husband was not very proficient in English and it was difficult for them to find employment.
Fernando had a sister in New Jersey who had married an American. Fernando thought that it would be more beneficial to come live in New Jersey and become more acclimated with the English language and the American lifestyle. He had grown up on a ranch and he had always enjoyed working in the open fields. While his parents remain in Mexico, he looks forward to the day when they will again be reunited.
At the age of twenty, he lives with his brother-in-law and has been working at various jobs in the Princeton area. He has observed a certain level of discrimination among the various Latino groups in Princeton. He suggests that the existence of a distinct hatred between these groups exists. He believes that these sentiments are most evident when under the influence of alcoholic consumption.
Leaving his wife and children in Guatemala, Gerardo Oye Como Va mi Ritmo crossed into San Diego in 1988 in search of economic prosperity. He left Guatemala because the economic situation became unbearable. He traveled up the coast of California and settled down in Los Angeles. Gerardo had cousins in Los Angeles who had been there for six years and provided him with a place to stay. He spent two years in Los Angeles, venturing into various forms of employment. Work was scarce and he was unable to find stable work. Gerardo worked here and there doing odd jobs for two and three months at a time. The instability and low pay of his work caused him to contemplate returning to Guatemala.
Then, Gerardo heard that there were many more employment opportunities in New Jersey. Relatives in New Jersey were able to arrange his travel to and establishment in the east coast. These family members were able to support him while he adjusted to the Princeton area and gained stable employment. The friends and family that had already established residence in New Jersey had learned about the employment opportunities through a friend that had previously left Guatemala.
Now forty-six, he sent for his wife and children when he had accomplished some economic stability. He had worked in the fields of Guatemala and, now, he works on the land in Princeton. He has experienced discrimination in the way other people treat him.
Hector Macho Camacho emigrated from Santa Rosa de Lima, Guatemala, in 1995. He flew into Los Angeles with his mother and two sisters in March. He stayed briefly with relatives in Los Angeles before deciding to move to New Jersey in search of better employment. He had heard that in New Jersey there were more appeasing opportunities for Hispanics in search of work. Hector conveyed the belief that practically every immigrant in the United States came in search of more possibilities for work, economic security, and a better life.
Hector was able to move to New Jersey because he has a brother who has been a resident of Princeton for twelve years. His brother facilitated the move by providing Hector with a home when he first arrived in Princeton. One of his sister is married and has lived in Los Angeles for fourteen years. His, other, sister and his mother have lived in the United States for seven and eight years, respectively.
Hector is thirty-two years old and has no family. He studied for a large part of his life in Guatemala, earning the equivalent of a bachelor's in education from an institution of higher learning. Despite his degree, he now works in landscaping in the Princeton area. Though he plans to go back to Guatemala, he does not foresee it in the near future. Hector stated that the political climate was very harsh in Guatemala, but that it did not affect his decision to leave his homeland.
He has perceived the existence of discrimination in Princeton and suggests that this is most prevalent against those Hispanics that have not, yet, mastered the English language. Furthermore, he suggests that the tensions among the Hispanic groups is less a result of national origin than they are the result of length of residency in the United States. Recent immigrants suffer discrimination at the hands of those Hispanics that have already established themselves. Hector has personally encountered discrimination from the employers that abuse his inability to speak perfect English.
Ismael 'el rocket' Valdes was born in Santa Rosa de Lima, Guatemala. Now thirty-nine years old, Ismael immigrated to the United States through Tijuana in 1995. He traveled to Los Angeles where one of his sisters had lived for fifteen years. Ismael stayed in California for two weeks before moving to New Jersey. Another sister had informed him that better economic opportunities were available in New Jersey and facilitated the move. Most of Ismael's family is situated in New Jersey. Three of his brothers have been in the United States for fifteen years and another two have resided in New Jersey for eight years.
The political turmoil in Guatemala played a significant role in his decision to immigrate to the United States. He talked about the difficult times in his homeland: the guerrillas, the sequestering of innocent bystanders, the stealing and looting that is rampant. Though he has brought one of his sons, his wife and three other children remain in Guatemala. It had become increasingly difficult for Ismael to support his family in the midst of the economic and political unrest in Guatemala. He has plans of returning to reunite with his family.
Ismael has found that there is more employment opportunities, here, in the United States. In Guatemala, he worked in the agriculture of corn, beans, and coffee. While living in Princeton, he has been able to find employment in the fields and in construction. Moreover, the pay he receives for his work has been much higher in Princeton than in Los Angeles. The discrimination that Ismael has experienced has been largely a result of the language barrier that he and many immigrants from Latin America face.
Jaime Serra Puche emigrated from Jalapa, Guatemala in 1994. He crossed the border at Agua Prieta, Mexico and was apprehended by immigration in Douglas, Arizona. With the help of relatives in the United States he was able to post bail and was released. Seeking political asylum in the United States, Jaime Serra Puche hired three different lawyers to represent his case. The first two layers demanded payment prior to representation and, later, abandoned his case. Finally, with depleted funds and a sour taste of the American legal system, he was able to come up with enough money for bus fare to Washington, District of Colombia. He took another bus to New York where one of his brothers received him and brought him to Princeton. He spent nearly $6,000 simply to get to New Jersey and accumulated a large debt.
His brothers have resided in the United States for three years. They were a great resource upon his arrival in the United States. He was able to stay with them while he got settled down. He is now living with friends in the Princeton area. In Guatemala, Jaime Serra Puche worked in agriculture. He now works in landscaping in Princeton. Soured by his negative experience in the United States, Jaime plans to return to Guatemala once he has paid off all his debts. Finally, he has not attained the economic success that he had anticipated.
I was contemplating the horrendous weather of New Jersey, as I made a right on Salsipuedes Street. I nearly broke my ankle because this street was not paved nor had any sign of a side walk. I looked up and saw that the houses around me were rundown. Dirt roads, rundown housing, how could town officials have overlooked this section of town?
My train of thought was broken by Kanuto, who came out of one of those houses to see if I was looking for someone. I said no but asked him for his help on our project. Kanuto consented and began his story by saying that he had immigrated from somewhere in Mexico. For some reason he avoided telling me the name of the town he came from, finally relinquishing that he had immigrated to United States from the heart of Mexico, central Michoacan.
He was twenty years old when he arrived in the United States. He flew into Los Angeles international airport, where he was met by relatives who had helped facilitate the trip. These same family members then arranged his papers and his legal status. He stayed with his relatives in Los Angeles for a short period before coming to New Jersey. His relatives had lived in Los Angeles for ten years and were able to lessen the typical concerns of immigration. They provided him with a place to stay, informed him of job opportunities, and sought to rectify his immigration status.
Kanuto must be viewed as an exception to the normal immigrant experience, if there is such a thing, because he initially came to the United States only to visit relatives and see the country. However, once he saw the lifestyle available in the United States and the opportunities for upward economic mobility he decided to stay and work. Kanuto was attracted to New Jersey because of the presence of some cousins in this state, and the promise of higher wages and less discrimination. He now works as a landscaper in Princeton. He is the only member of his immediate family residing and earning a living in the United States, his sisters and parents remain in Mexico. Kanuto reports not experiencing any discrimination.
Lazaro Cardenas is a twenty-seven year old male from Acapulco, Mexico. He arrived in Tijuana, Baja California, from Acapulco in 1995. He planned to cross the Tijuana-San Diego border, however, he was detained by the INS for fifteen days, before being released and continuing his northward migration to Los Angeles. He arrived in Los Angeles and remained there for only three short days before continuing on to New Jersey to reunite with his four brothers who had lived here for three years. They had informed him of the opportunities for upward economic and social mobility in the Northeast.
Lazaro Cardenas reports no experiences of institutional racism, but speaks of the racism that can exist among different ethnic groups in the Latino community. As a Mexican he is aware of the hatred that some Guatemalans feel towards Mexicans. This hatred is based on the perception held by Guatemalans that the Mexicans' immigration experience is a lot easier than theirs. He explains that the Guatemalans must cross two borders in their journey to the United States and, thus, are often more exasperated by their than Mexicans. Some Guatemalans, also, dislike Mexicans because of the negative experiences that they have had while crossing through Mexico.
Mirna was born in Mexico City in 1971. She decided to immigrate to the United States in 1990. With the death of a close family relative and her husband already residing in the United States, Mirna no longer had anything to hold her back. "The economic situation in Mexico had gotten out of hand," she said as she recalled the struggles of making ends meet with a limited amount of money.
Her husband sent back much of his wages, but even with that income she had been forced to search for other employment. Though she was able to get some support from her family, in 1990 she decided to depart for Tijuana. One of her cousins was able to help her get across the border and she stayed with him in San Diego.
Her cousin, having established residence in San Diego two years earlier, provided her with room and board while she earned enough money to follow her husband to New Jersey. She worked at different jobs in San Diego, always fearful that she might be deported. In the winter of 1990 Mirna arrived in New Jersey where she has lived with her husband for the past six years. She now owns a Mexican grocery store in the Princeton area.
Mirna's husband had permanently immigrated to the United States in 1987, though, he had previously entered the country to work in seasonal agriculture. Having heard of the availability of good work in New Jersey and accompanied by three of his brothers, Mirna's husband had immigrated to the Princeton area, where another had lived since 1985. Her husband was also born in Mexico City. He was employed as a custodial coordinator in an apartment complex. He now works in a landscaping company in Princeton.
Mirna believes that she has not experienced any open discrimination. Though she revealed that life in New Jersey has been very calm and comfortable, she expressed the desire to return to her native land.
Nina was born in Santa Rosa de Lima, Guatemala in 1975. Though she refused to reveal where she entered the United States, she said that she had arrived in the spring of 1989. She flew into Newark and arrived in Princeton shortly thereafter. She came to reunite with her parents who had immigrated thirteen years earlier. She recalls growing up without her parents and having to live with different relatives in Guatemala. She conveyed that her parents had been among the first Guatemalan immigrants in Princeton. They always tell her that things have changed a great deal in Princeton, since they first arrived. She believes that her migration to the United States was much easier because her parents were already here and they took care of the logistics.
Nina had begun post-secondary studies in Guatemala, before coming to the United States. Though she was very committed to her studies, she was only able to complete her high school education. She now works at a convenience store in the Princeton area. Upon moving to Princeton, she met and married Omar. They have two children who have been born in the United States.
Omar was born in Putla, Oaxaca, in 1970. In 1986, he arrived in the United States
through the Tijuana border. He traveled up the California coast and stayed with a friend
in Los Angeles. After a few weeks he moved to Princeton, New Jersey, where his parents
had lived for twenty years. Another factor that influenced his decision to move to New
Jersey was that he had heard that there were less crime and better work opportunities
here.
He had studied in Mexico, but when he came to the United States he wanted to work. He now works as a cook in two restaurants in Princeton. He has experienced very limited discrimination, though, he has had some confrontations with African Americans. However, he does not believe that there is any friction within the Latino community. He met and married Nina despite the fact that she is from Guatemala. He says that both families were very tolerant of the marriage.
Socializing in the park. Soccer game underway to my right, barbecue to my back, and a kickball game to my left. It's Sunday in the early afternoon. The soccer game is made up of middle aged Latino males with the exception of two white males-these two are definitely not the superstars in this game; both Pinochet and I enjoyed the irony of this role reversal. He is the goalie for the team that is up three goals to nothing.
"You guys play soccer every Sunday?" I ask after I noticed that it was a very verbal game, everyone calling out names of the other players. Pinochet says that they play soccer two or three times a week.
I tell him I am a Princeton University student from Chicago and his eyes light up. "I lived near Chicago also for 7 years before coming here." After diverging into the greatness of the city and commenting on it's endless options in restaurants, Spanish music stores, and great Latin night life, I asked him how it was that he ended up at Princeton.
Pinochet was born in Mesones Oaxaca in 1969. At the age of ten his mother died of cancer. His two brothers and his father struggled for two years more, until, at age twelve his father was assassinated. The game has finally ended and Pinochet is changing from his cleated shoes to his regular sneakers. I wait for him to regain composure and then asked him what he did after such a tragedy.
"We had an aunt that lived in Mexico D.F., so we went to live with her."
Unfortunately he was ill-treated by his relatives, so at age 14, Pinochet decided to try the U.S. after watching an American movie. Pinochet got on the train to Tijuana. Once there, his newly found interest in women and the good life got him in trouble with the police and forced to go back to Mexico D.F..
At age sixteen, Pinochet got on the train again, this time directed to Ciudad Juarez. He crossed and wandered to Kansas City, where he is picked up by a family. In a year he was out on his own once again because of bad treatment by his hosts. Pinochet lived in Kansas City for another year, sleeping on park benches.
One day one of his acquaintances told him he should travel up to Canada. The acquaintance new of job offers and he guaranteed Pinochet better living conditions. So Pinochet got on a cargo train, again.
Pinochet was caught in central Illinois by the police. Fortunately
for him, a family from Durango, Mexico agreed to take him in,
send him to school, and legalize his status. Pinochet moved out
of the family's house into a town called Princeton Illinois.
He worked as a mushroom picker there until, during one of his
vacations to Mesones, he met people from his town who were living
in Princeton, New Jersey. They convinced Pinochet of the better
life and better wages in the Princeton of the east coast, and
after seven years in Illinois, he moved to Princeton, New Jersey.
Pinochet has been living here for three years and plans to marry
soon. He works for the Landscaping industry.
I notice an older man sitting on a besides the ongoing soccer game. I approach him and jokingly ask him, "So, when do you plan to substitute in?" He looks at me and says, "I don't plan to today, they are all practicing to take me on next Sunday." We laugh.
I tell him that I am a Princeton University student and that I am trying to learn more about the Latino community. "Well there is a collection of representatives from Central and South America out on the field right now," he volunteers. I asked him to point out countries represented, "Colombia, Guatemala, Nicaragua, El Salvador, and Mexico, at least." I explain to Quintana that my group is studying immigration patterns, and that if he would consent to relating his own immigration experience to me. Quintana consents after I assure him that it is only the experience I was interested in, with names and references left out.
Quintana is from the state of Puebla, Mexico. He is 43 years old. The interview proceeds as follows.
"The same reason everyone leaves." Before I could ask him to expound on that, he gets up and begins to walk away. "I'm going to eat, do you want to come?" I gladly acquiesced. Quintana crossed through the Tijuana-San Diego border in 1988. Quintana's low funds took him as far as the outskirts of Los Angeles, where he worked odd jobs for two years.
In between eating his tostadas, Quintana proceeded to tell me that some of his acquaintances had told him of better wages and less "heat" from the INS out east in the city of New York. Quintana, having left his wife and three children, did not have any binding or straining circumstances for his leaving Los Angeles in Puebla. So he did.
Quintana's two-year experience in New York was stressful, dirty, and life threatening. In spite of all of this, the wages were much more respectable than in Los Angeles. "Yet, one day I decided to venture west on the train in search for better living conditions." Quintana says that he got off at every spot and explored, "that's what I did every Sunday for a year."
Finally, Quintana found Princeton, New Jersey. The peacefulness of Princeton was so attractive that even though he was limited to working in the landscaping industry, and, hence, experienced downward socioeconomic mobility (he had been a business man in Puebla), Quintana agreed immediately.
On the way out of the Mexican lady's in-house restaurant, he affirmed having plans to reunite his family in Princeton in the near future.
Rafael was born in Mesones, Oaxaca, in 1972. He crossed through the Tijuana-San Diego border in 1987. He traveled up to Los Angeles. There he roamed the streets for a couple of weeks until his two brothers were able to obtain him working papers and a plane ticket to Newark, New Jersey. Rafael's brothers had originally moved to New Jersey because they had heard that it was peaceful and that it offered great work opportunities.
Although Rafael studied in Mexico City, he soon joined the large group of Latinos working for the landscaping industry in Princeton. He says that he has experienced very little discrimination, mostly consisting of indirect discrimination by whites. However, he does not believe that there is any friction within the Latino community.
Salinas de Gortari is from the town of Putla, in the southern state of Oaxaca, Mexico. He is 25 years old and is married and has two children.
Salinas de Gortari made the move to the United States in 1992. He had heard from many of the people from his town that there were better economic opportunities and a higher standard of living in the U.S.. Convinced, Salinas de Gortari crossed into San Diego California, and followed the path well marked by previous immigrants into Los Angeles. He managed to survive in and out of odd jobs for a year. Depressed and in need to be with his family, Salinas decided to make his last move to New Jersey, going on the word of one of his acquaintances.
In his gamble, he found stability and peace and is now working for the landscaping industry. Salinas de Gortari finally saved enough money to be able to reunite his family in Princeton in 1996.
When asked about discrimination, Salinas de Gortari responded negatively but said that the language barrier is the biggest handicap of immigrants.
Tiburcio is a Guatemalan from the province of Santa Rosa de Lima. He is 34 years old and is married with three children.
Tiburcio's life in Guatemala was one marked by the blood of the guerrillas. He fled the country along with his wife in search of a happier more peaceful environment. They crossed through Tijuana, Mexico into San Diego California in 1988. Tuburcio's brothers, who had been residing in Los Angeles since 1983, facilitated their entrance to the United States and allowed for their settlement in Los Angeles.
In two weeks Tiburcio decided to leave Los Angeles, there were too many people, too many blacks and Latinos. A brother-in-law of Tiburcio invited him to try out Princeton, New Jersey. He described it as being peaceful, green, just like Guatemala was before the guerrilla took over. Tiburcio accepted the invitation.
Within five years Tiburcio, working in a restaurant, and his wife, working in a deli, were able to bring their children to their new home.
Tiburcio is currently processing a plea for political asylum.
Urbina is sitting across from me sipping a beer. Urbina, Villa, Washington, a fellow Princeton student, and myself are watching the Costa Rica-Jamaica soccer match on TV. We are at a Mexican woman's home which, also, serves as a weekend diner. Her name is Xuxa. He is dark-skinned and has long curly hair, which is currently being held under control by a Chicago Bull's hat. He asks me what my favorite sport is, after I cheer a goal by Jamaica. I reply that I enjoy watching futbol (soccer), football, baseball, and basketball, equally. He asks me if I would like a beer and, since I was taught to respect my elders, I accept. I ask him were he is from and he replies Guatemala. I explain to him, Villa, and Washington that I am a Princeton University student and that I am conducting interviews for a sociology class on Latinos in the U.S. I ask him if he would like to be interviewed for this project. He accepts and the formal phase of the interview begins.
Urbina was born in 1961 in Guatemala, and first came to the United States in late 1986, at the age of 25. He left Guatemala, where he was self-employed as a native weaver in 1982, because of the political turmoil, hideous social conditions, and economic strife caused by the start of the guerrilla war. He said that getting into and through Mexico was not very hard. He crossed the Guatemala-Mexico border in 1982 and just overstayed his 24 hour visitor's permit. He worked for four years in Mexico. First in Tuxtla-Gutierrez, Chiapas and then in Mexico City. He first crossed over to the United States, in 1986, through the Tijuana-San Diego border. Since this first crossing, he has had to cross two more times because he has been deported two times from within the United States. He laughs as he tells me how he tricked the INS by telling them he was from Mexico, so they would not return him all the way back to Guatemala. Both subsequent times that he had to cross back over to the United States he used the Tijuana-San Diego corridor.
After crossing the Tijuana-San Diego border, he headed north to meet up with some family members that were already established in Los Angeles. He worked in California in agriculture and was $4 dollars an hour. After a couple of years, he ventured north to Chicago because the wages were higher (about $5 dollars an hour) and the rent was very low there (as low as $50 to $60 dollars a month). Urbina worked as a baker in Chicago. Finally, he left Chicago in 1993 after the bakery company for which he worked closed.
He has been in New Jersey since 1993 and since that time he has worked for a landscaping company. They pay him better than in Chicago, but he says that rent is so expensive in Princeton (about $200 dollars a month) that the advantage of higher wages is virtually nullified. He would like to return to Chicago, not Guatemala. He says that Chicago is better than Princeton because in Chicago he can drive without a license without fearing the consequences of his action, while in New Jersey the law is so strict that he cannot even drive.
After finishing my interview with Urbina, I turn around and ask Villa whether he would consent to an interview to be used for the same purposes as the interview that Urbina had just granted me. I expected him to consent because he had interjected several times with answers to the questions I was asking Urbina. He accepted to be interviewed, but first asked for another round of beers. The score was now 2-1 in Costa Rica's favor.
Villa has been in the United States for 12 years. He came over to the United States in 1985, at the young age of 15, because he was involved with the guerrilla movement and felt that it was best if he left the country. He had a very tough time getting through Mexico. The first time he attempted to reach the United States his journey ended in Mexico, where he was detained in Puebla, Puebla, by the Judicial Federal Police. When asked why he was stopped by the Federal Judicial Police, he said that it was because of his race and his accent. The police agents in Puebla were able to single him out because he is very dark-skinned and speaks Spanish differently than people in Mexico. He said the police agents took him to Mexico City were he was incarcerated in a horrible jail. Then, a senior officer told him he would set him free and let him continue his journey, if he paid him a bribe. Since he did not have any money with him, he was returned to Guatemala.
Determined to reach the United States, he hired a "coyote" (undocumented immigrant smuggler) to get him through Mexico and into the United States. The smuggler charged him $500 dollars and he renewed his journey to the United States. (He says that now it can cost a Guatemalan as much as $5000 to be smuggled from Guatemala to whatever destination he or she chooses within the United States.) On his second attempt to reach the United States, he crossed the Suchete River, which flows along the Guatemala-Mexico border, on a rubber tube. Then he crossed Mexico and reached the Nuevo Laredo/ Laredo, Texas border. He crossed this border on a rubber tube, just as he had crossed the Guatemala-Mexico border. He was, then, delivered to Fort-Worth, Texas, by the "coyote" because that was were his brother was awaiting him.
He lived with some gunmen in Fort-Worth for five years. He really liked Texas because he felt people treated him really well. In 1987, he went home for awhile. When he returned to the United States he crossed over the Tijuana-San Diego border and headed for Los Angeles. He stayed in Los Angeles for awhile, but did not like it, so he returned to Fort-Worth, Texas. In 1990, he moved to Orlando were another brother and some cousins were living at the time. He stayed there for three years and, in 1993, he moved to Princeton, New Jersey. He likes it here. Villa especially likes his job as assistant cook. He is very happy with his salary, which is currently about $8 dollars an hour. Yet, he still wants to return to Texas because that is were his family lives and because he feels that in Texas he is treated best.
The soccer game is still going full fledge. Jamaica vs. Costa Rica on the preliminary round for the World Cup, France '98. The in-house restaurant of the Mexican lady is filled to capacity.
"Do you want a beer paisano (fellow country man)?" Of course a beer increases serenity.
Washington is from Putla Oaxaca. He has been in the United States for about 11 years. He entered the United States through Tijuana. He then spent a week waiting in Los Angeles for his brothers and sisters in New Jersey to send money for plane fare to Newark. He found an American citizen who was willing to marry him. After four years of courting she insulted him, by stating that his only interest in her was for purposes of naturalization. Three years after making this statement the woman died. She died without any formal arrangements being made for Washington's citizenship.
He joined his brothers in the landscaping industry nine years ago, and since then has ascended to the rank of foreman. In Oaxaca Washington worked in agriculture, to which he attributes to his good work in landscaping. He is currently involved in a two year struggle with the INS based on his prior criminal record.
Xuxa is the owner of the house/ weekend restaurant in which I have spent the last two hours. Urbina, Villa, and Washington were all her patrons. I enter the kitchen and find her there. When I think about it, the kitchen is were I always find her. I approach her and ask her if I could steal 15 minutes of her time to interview her for a project that I am working on for school. I explain the details and she consents. We enter one of the two dining rooms and sit down. Another futbol game is now on Univision. I think it is Morelia against Universidad Autonoma de Guadalajara.
She starts off be telling me she is from Mesones, Oaxaca. Mesones is a small town located on the border between the Mexican states of Oaxaca and Guerrero. She says that she has been in the United States for 13 years. She first entered the United States through the Tijuana-San Diego border in 1984. Her husband, who had already been in the United States, and a coyote he hired helped her enter the United States. After crossing the San Diego border, they went to Los Angeles were her husband had family members. They lived there for six years. She did not work because they had three small children. Her husband (who I knew, but is now deceased) worked in agriculture.
Sometime in the late 80's her sister and her sister's husband stopped in Los Angeles on there way to New Jersey. Her brother-in-law spoke to her husband about the economic opportunities available in New Jersey and before she knew it her husband had made up his mind that they were moving to New Jersey. They arrived in New Jersey in 1990. Once in New Jersey, her husband got a job as a ranch-hand which he enjoyed because he had worked on a ranch back in Mexico. After her children (who are now 8, 10, and 12 years old, respectively) started going to school, she started working in a home cleaning agency as a maid. After awhile, she decided to start cooking food and selling it out of her house on weekends to supplement her income.
When I asked her whether she liked it better here than in California she stated, "Yes and no." She likes being near her sister and the fact that job availability is relatively constant in Princeton. What she does not like is that the economic situation is no longer better in Princeton than in California. Although wages are higher in Princeton than in California, living in Princeton is a lot more expensive than living in California. Wages are, also, going down in New Jersey because there are a lot more immigrants here now, than 7 years ago. She, also, expressed concern because her eldest daughter is soon going to go to Princeton High School. She has heard that the children there are very disoriented. She is, also, concerned because her children know English, but refuse to speak it.
Xuxa stated that she would like to go back to Oaxaca when she is older, but for now she would like to remain in New Jersey because her sister, also, lives here. Her sister has become an invaluable resource since her husband passed away last year in Mexico.
The last time she went to Mexico was last year when she went to her husband's funeral. She can go back as often as she wants because she is a legal resident. Although she and her husband came over illegally, he was granted amnesty under the 1986 Immigration Reform and Control Act (IRCA). After he became a legal citizen, he filed to legalize her status and three years later she was approved.
I sit inside the kitchen watching Yolanda cook me an omelet. She is about 35 years old and has three girls. One is age 15, one is age 12, and one is age 3. The eldest one lives back in Guatemala with Yolanda's mother. She is saddened by both the physical and emotional distance between her eldest daughter and herself. Yolanda left her daughter back in Guatemala thirteen years ago, when she first came to the United States. She last saw her six years ago when she went back to Guatemala.
Yolanda's first trip to the United States was one of the most horrible experiences in her life. In Guatemala, she and six other people had hired a coyote to take them all the way to the United States. Everything seemed to be going fine, until they reached Mexico City. In Mexico City, the smuggler told them to wait for him at a park. He would be right back he claimed. It was 8 am. At 4pm, he had not returned and it dawned on them that he had abandoned them. They felt very afraid and did not know what to do. One of the people in the party said that he had heard that the Episcopalians were very sympathetic towards immigrants, so they went to the nearest Episcopalian Church. There the minister allowed them to sleep in the Church. Unfortunately, the church had dirt floors and no walls, so Yolanda slept on top of a cardboard box and covered herself with another cardboard box. She endured this misery for two weeks, until the minister contacted a friend that drove a truck and arranged it so that this man drove the whole group to Tijuana.
Once in Tijuana, she hired a coyote for $300 dollars and crossed over the San Diego border and went to Los Angeles. There she lived and worked for two years, but did not enjoy the work or the pay. Some people let her know about the economic opportunities available in New Jersey and she came. She has lived here 11 years. She remarried and had a daughter 3 years ago. She gets paid a lot better in Princeton than she did in California and enjoys the fact that INS' raids are not as prevalent here.
She has established herself in Princeton and would like to remain in New Jersey. She has made plans to bring her eldest daughter from Guatemala to live with her. Her only complaint about New Jersey is that her 12 year old daughter does not like to speak Spanish and that her younger daughter's American granny does not speak Spanish.
I am eating lunch at an establishment located about 10 minutes from Princeton University. I am thinking to myself that I have to get going on my sociology project and, thus, should get some interviews soon. The waiter comes to the table and I ask him from hot sauce. He looks at me quickly, acknowledges my request, and goes into the kitchen to retrieve the hot sauce. When he hands me the hot sauce, he asks me if I am from Mexico. (I do not know what gave it away. Maybe it was my bright shirt, slicked-back hair, and cowboy coots.) I reply that I am from Tijuana, Mexico. He smiles and says that he has been through there. I ask him his name and he replies, "Ernesto Zedillo." I say I am honored to be in the presence of the President of the United Mexican States and he laughs. I ask him if he is from Mexico, and he replies that he, in fact, is from Guatemala. A light goes off in my head and I decide to ask him if I could interview him for my sociology project. He replies that the workers at this establishment have reached an agreement to not speak to university students because they find them to be very dumb creatures. Nonetheless, he says he will grant me an interview if I promise to keep his identity sealed, I reply, "No problem, Mr. President." Thus, the interview begins.
He tells me he is from the western end of Guatemala and that he has crossed the Tijuana-San Diego border many times. I ask him why the San Diego border and not the El Paso-Ciudad Juarez border. He replies that Guatemalans that live in western Guatemala tend to cross the border in San Diego, while those that live in eastern Guatemala tend to cross across the Texas border, especially El Paso. Zedillo considers his analysis of the Guatemalan crossing routes for a second and then adds that it had gotten a lot harder to cross the Tijuana-San Diego border, lately. When he went home for Christmas, it took him several attempts before he was able to cross the San Diego-Tijuana border successfully. He has recently heard that it is getting even harder.
Changing subjects, I ask him why he came to Princeton, New Jersey. He says that he was in California for awhile, but that he did not like it. First of all, he was not paid nearly as well as in Princeton. Secondly, it is a lot more dangerous to live in California than in Princeton. He enjoys the freedom that he has in Princeton to go for a walk at three in the morning, if he so desires. Thirdly, the INS does not oversee establishments in New Jersey with the frequency that it oversees establishments in California. Finally, he claims that the Latino immigrants in New Jersey tend to be mostly legal citizens and that, therefore, there are smaller numbers of undocumented workers. Because there are lesser numbers of undocumented workers there is less discrimination against Latinos and higher possibilities for upward economic mobility.
At the onset of our sociological project, we set a goal of gathering an amply diverse and informative collection of interviews from which we could test our hypothesis. We were able to obtain almost thirty interviews, giving us a large subject pool which is greatly diverse. Our research succeeded in gathering adequate information from the two main nationality groups, which we originally hypothesized to be Guatemalan and Mexican origin (fifteen Mexican and eleven Guatemalan interviewees).
Our first area of concentration will be on the causal factors "Push" effects for the migration of the interviewees. The "Push" effect consists of two main concepts: (1) political factors and (2) the pursuit of economic betterment. Our stated hypothesis credited economic betterment as the main cause of immigration. Our results prove this to be overwhelmingly true, but also points to the existence of other strong "Push" factors. Our research supports the significance of these two factors, but also yields further characteristics unique to each individual "Push" factor.
Of the Mexican contingency the sole reason for migration seems to be economic. All fifteen interviewees stated this as their main reason and denied any political reason for their decision to leave their native lands. They left their native lands because of an inadequate supply of jobs or because the jobs they did have were not able to provide the basic necessities for themselves and their families. They share the same story in that all were unsatisfied with their miserable economic situation. This factor was also motivation for some of Guatemalan immigrants, however it is not as significant as the political factor.
The political "Push" effect seems to be unique to the Guatemalan community based on our research. This is natural considering the guerrilla wars that have been devastating the country for the past several years. It also seems to be the important factor in that fifty percent of all our Guatemalan interviewees stated this as the most important reason for their immigration to the U.S. The Guatemalan respondents seem to be fleeing political turmoil. Most stated reasons similar to (Urbina's) who claimed that political turmoil, hideous social conditions, and economic strife caused by the guerilla war forced him to leave his native land. This political "Push" factor may be further magnified by the economic situation, which the other fifty percent of the Guatemalan interviewees identified as their reason for migration. The possibility remains that the political turmoil could be an important contributing factor to the economic stagnation of Guatemala. Though this is not verifiable, it is still an important possibility to consider.
Both Latino groups tend to immigrate from relatively similar places of origin within their respective countries. The two main regions where Guatemalans immigrate from are Jalapa, Guatemala, and Santa Rosa de Lima, Guatemala. On the other hand, the Mexican community originates from three main regions. Of these three main regions two may be classified into an even bigger classification. The three regions are Mesones, Acapulco, and Putla. Putla an Mesones are both located within the state of Oaxaca. Notorious for its poverty, it is not surprising that a significant portion of the Mexican immigrants originate from this state. (Kanulto) was a notable exception. He originated from Michoacan in central Mexico, but it must also be noted that the original intent of his U.S. immigration was merely to visit relatives already living in U.S. borders.
En route to the U.S. the two groups have amazingly similar routs of travel. We hypothesized that main routes would be through Tijuana, Mexico-San Diego, California and Ciudad Juarez, Mexico/El Paso, Texas. Laredo, Texas is also grouped with El Paso, being to form the larger classification of simply Texas entry. The Californian route proved to be by far the most popular of the two, while only three interviewees traveled through Texas. There were also a total of four interviewees who flew directly into L.A. or Newark. In our hypothesis we did not predict this lopsided immigration. Instead we predicted a more evenly dispersed immigration between the two ports, which receive the most human traffic. Unfortunately there were not concrete answer as to why the California remained the one most used. (Zedillo) mentions that most of the immigrants from eastern Guatemala follow the Texas route of entry; whereas those in western Guatemala typically enter the Untied States through a California port. This may or may not be the case because (Zedillo) is the only respondent who brought up this phenomena. A more likely explanation may be that due to the presence of family in Los Angeles a California entry makes more resources immediately available to the immigrants. This conclusion seems to be supported by the data collected from our interviews in that nineteen of the twenty-six immigrants spent time in Los Angeles before coming to New Jersey. The help that family members or friend could provide in helping to facilitate entry into the United States may well have overridden other concerns such as the length of the route taken.
Along the routes many had to hire assistance in order to cross borders into the U.S. This is a convenience for both Guatemalan and Mexican parties alike, although it was exercised more frequently by the Guatemalans due to the difficulty of crossing not one, but two borders. (Villa) recalls how his detainment in Mexico would have been short lived had he had the funds to cooperate. His "unwillingness to cooperate" earned him a deportation to Guatemala where he once again begin the long journey north. This is only one of the many obstacles faced by Guatemalans along their migration which can be solved by hiring "coyotes". Yet even coyotes are a risk. (Yolanda) recalls how her group of immigrants lost their money and nearly did not make it across the U.S. border when hired "coyotes" abandoned them in Mexico after receiving payment.
Along with the risk of "coyotes" comes the risk of being caught. (Jaime Serra Puche) recalls how he had to hire three lawyers to get into the U.S. after being caught and detained in Arizona. He states that he barely had enough money for the bus ride to Washington D.C. These expenditures were a significant factor on migratory routes of immigrants. Once in the U.S. the immigrants are forced to find work and pay off debts and maintain t living. In California, the main city where immigrants sought work was L.A., but many soon grew dissatisfied with the pay and the job availability. With a great need for some means of support, the immigrants were forced to seek out alternative areas where employment was more stable. (Ismael, el Rocket, Valdes) has found the pay and job opportunities in New Jersey considerably more favorable than those of L.A. This is very important to note in comparison with one of the interviewees who traveled through Texas. (Fernando) had a unique privilege of living in both Texas and California. He compares them both and emphatically states that he did not like L.A. but did have a fondness for Fort Worth because of the better treatment.
These interviews demonstrate that the need to work and to pay off debts is a major influence on the decision to make a permanent home in the U.S. Almost all of the Princeton Latino immigrants came through the San Diego, California/Tijuana, Baja California del Norte. The question remains why? Possibly because those who traveled through Texas found an ample supply of jobs, were pleased with the available resources in Texas, and therefore did not find the need for further migration. On the other hand, the L.A. Princeton migrants were dissatisfied and were forced to see work elsewhere, specifically Princeton. This may be further supported by (Ernesto Zedillo's) claim that Guatemalans on the eastern side of the country migrate through Texas and Guatemalans on the western side of the country migrate through the Californian border. (Ernesto) definitely establishes that there is a migration of Guatemalans through Texas, yet none settle in Princeton . Those who have ended up in Princeton traveled through the California border. This demonstrates the possibility that migrants settle in Texas and flee California, explaining the overwhelming representation of Californian crossers in Princeton. We initially raised the question of whether or not the anti-immigrations operations effected the migration to Princeton. Our answer based on our evidence would have to be no. (Ernesto) demonstrates that the operations only make the migration of illegal immigrants more difficult, but does little to deter further attempts. In fact, he claims that it took him several tries but eventually he made it across. He does note that the operations have made the journey more difficult than before, but never illustrates the long term effectiveness of these programs.
Like Los Angeles and San Antonio, Princeton is a locale concentrated with familial links. In fact, twenty-one of our interviewees stated some form of familial tie which helped them or encouraged their immigration to Princeton. Relatively few interviewees reported having directly traveled to Princeton. Instead, most report that their migration to Princeton had various points of temporary stay. As the routes have demonstrated, the great majority of the immigrants had a brief stay in L.A. It was in L.A. that they were connected to Princeton, with the help of family and friends. For one this social link advertised Princeton as a suitable environment in which to live, and it allowed access to that environment with initial help such as food and shelter.
With several major settlements in the states of Texas, California, New York, and Florida, what does Princeton have to offer that these areas do not? The pull of Princeton centers around it's availability of varied resources. Princeton, New Jersey, has become a place known to immigrants as a city that will allow them to be prosperous. Through family and acquaintances immigrants have learned of resources available in Princeton. What resources are these? We began the project with these basic "Pull" factor assumptions: (1) the availability of jobs, (2) the higher standard of living, and (3) the potential for upward mobility. We found that the availability of jobs was a significant factor, but not as important as the higher standard of living. The opportunities of upward mobility were not an important factor.
The availability of higher paying jobs was an original attraction, yet as (Urbina) stated, the increased wages here are negated by the increased cost of living in Princeton. So why do the migrants continue to seek out Princeton? There is only one alternative factor, which is the higher standard of living. By standard of living, we incorporate educational opportunities, low crime rate, less immigration patrols, and better working conditions. (Omar) followed his parents who had been in Princeton twenty years because of the better working conditions and the low crime rate. L.A. had become a place of exploitation, and for the most of the immigrants, Princeton was their escape. In L.A. they were surrounded by crime and feared for their lives. What Princeton offered these immigrants was financial stability along with security they had not experienced in other major cities. When questioned whether if offered the same job with the same salary in L.A., would he take it? (Omar) stated that he would never wish to leave Princeton for the simple fact that Princeton was more "calm" than L.A. Obviously jobs are an important factor, but there are many more factors involved. The migrant later explained that he was content with the fact that he no longer had to worry about the things he had to worry about when living in major cities. He explained that he was referring to the fact that within the Princeton community you do not find immigration officers constantly patrolling the workplaces or the communities within the cities. This knowledge gives him a sense of security that he has not been able to find elsewhere. (Omar) explained that another important factor was the violence and direct discrimination which was a normal occurrence in his life in major cities.
In Princeton Hispanic immigrants encounter discreet forms of prejudice but nothing comparable to what they experienced in big cities. This is a sentiment felt by many of the immigrants in Princeton. Racial discrimination is a rare occurrence, and if found is usually caused by the language barrier or between other migrant groups. As few as seven of the respondents reported any form of discrimination. This contradicts our hypothesis that most of the immigrants would have experienced some types of discrimination. Perhaps, immigrants state that they do not experience much racism here in Princeton because the type of racism that is to be found here is very subtle. Princeton is a town where the majority of the inhabitants are endowed with a great deal of wealth and knowledge. Perhaps, the white citizens know that the immigrants are important to the economy, and as long as they remain somewhat isolated in their own ethnic enclaves will not speak out publicly against their presence. Or perhaps it is because the Latinos living here in Princeton have been so self-segregating, that they still have yet to be really noticed by the greater Princeton population. Whatever the reason for this may be we did uncover some interesting viewpoints on racism that we did not necessarily expect to find. There seems to exists a racism among certain Latino groups living in Princeton. The two largest Latino groups and the focus of our interviews, Mexicans and Guatemalans seem to be most prone to this occurrence. This point is brought up by (Fernando Valanzuela) who says that hatred seems to brought out with the consumption of alcohol. The magnitude of this problem is not well known to us because only a few interviewees mentioned inter-Latino racism when asked about experiences of discrimination. However, (Fernando Valanzuela) did offer a hypothesis about where this racism came from. He said that the Guatemalans were envious of the perceived ease of the Mexican's immigration because they only had to cross one boarder. Many Latinos also felt prejudice from the African American community in Princeton. This can most likely be understood by the Latinos coming in and competing with the African Americans for jobs and housing, and the perceived threat of the Latinos. This is similar to the Dominicans coming into New York and competing with the already established Puerto Rican community, which lead to problems between the groups.
With an increased salary also comes the ability for the children to remain children and reap the benefits. (Gerardo) noted the fact that schooling was better than in other cities. He was happy that his children would have the opportunity to receive a good education, an opportunity that he was denied. He stated that the need for family wage earners dominated his need for an education, but since his wages all him to fully support his family on a single income, his children would not have to make the same sacrifice. This was not necessarily available in the bigger cities because of the very low wages available to migrants.
Although the economic situation is better, the chance for upward mobility was not as great a factor as we believed. In fact we found that many migrants experienced downward mobility on the economic ladder. The husband of (Mirna) is an excellent example. As a custodial coordinator in Mexico, he had the leadership abilities to attain a supervisor position, yet when he came to Princeton he could only find work as a landscaper. Many of the immigrants have experienced some form of downward mobility, some greater than others. The concentration of Latinos in landscaping is something that we somewhat predicted. We predicted a high percentage of Latinos employed in the service sector of the economy, however we did not feel that we had apple knowledge to predict a specific niche, such as landscaping, within the service industry. Many of the immigrants who are concentrated in the landscaping industry come from a similar background. A similar background could include work in agriculture or on a ranch. We found that although many did experience a downward mobility in terms of the job itself, usually the combination of a variety of factors; including: economic stability, educational opportunities, a safe environment, and family reunification made the worthwhile for the majority of the immigrants..
The question then should not be "Why Princeton?" but "Why not Princeton?" With the available economic advantages Princeton serves as an exit from exploitative American capitalism, and fosters the continued pursuit of happiness. Princeton is an extremely quick entrance into American ideals, which for decades have been denied to recent Hispanic immigrants. With the resources every immigrant dreams of (good education, excellent work opportunities, economic stability, and a sense of security) the pull effect exerted by Princeton has created an attractive community for these immigrants.
.
These are the eleven questions that were asked of every interview subject.
(4)Why did you come to the United States?
The Complete Immigration Experience: A Case Study of Princeton
Latino Immigrants
Presented by Desiderio Avila Jr., Carlos Mario Bermudez, Manuel
Gonzalez, Luke Guerra, Angelica Gutierrez, and Alberto Puentes
5/ 13/ 97
"This paper represents our own work and it was written in
accordance with university regulations."
Desiderio Avila Jr., Carlos Mario Bermudez, Manuel Gonzalez, Luke
Guerra, Angelica Gutierrez, and Alberto Puentes.